Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Ashkan Sohrabi

About

Age: 20
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: June 20, 2009
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Weapon loaded with metal pellets » targeting vital organs

About this Case

Ashkan Sohrabi, a 20-year-old from Tehran, was killed by security forces during one of the most violent days of the 2009 protests.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mr. Ashkan Sohrabi, son of Gholamreza and Ms. Zahra Nik Peyma, was obtained from Rooz Online (October 22, 2009; March 3, 2010), BBC Persian (July 26, 2009), HRANA (December 17, 2010), Iran-Dokht (July 23, 2009), Radio Farda (December 23, 2013), the Agh Bahman blog (September 17, 2009), the Ashkan Sohrabi Memorial Facebook page (January 31, 2014), Tehran Report (October 3, 2010), and the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center archives (March 6, 2012).

Mr. Ashkan Sohrabi was born on January 30, 1990, in Tehran, where he grew up with his family in the Salsabil neighborhood. He was the second child in a family with two sisters. The Sohrabi family belonged to the religious, culturally inclined middle class. Mr. Sohrabi’s father volunteered as a Basij member at the front during the Iran–Iraq War. His uncle was a war veteran who was injured, and his cousin was killed during the same conflict. His mother worked at Tarbiat Modares University in Tehran. (Rooz Online, July 2009).

Mr. Sohrabi studied IT engineering at Qazvin Islamic Azad University. Friends and family described him as a polite, intelligent, and highly motivated young man with a cheerful, good-humored personality who was serious about his studies. His family said he was his mother’s "closest companion" and always sought to make others happy. (Ebtekar-e Sabz; Radio Farda, December 23, 2013).

From a young age, Mr. Sohrabi was passionate about art and sports. He was a professional taekwondo athlete, held a second-degree black belt, and won many championship titles. Mr. Sohrabi also enjoyed painting and was a dedicated supporter of the Persepolis football team. He was especially a big fan of Ali Karimi, the team’s captain at the time. After Ashkan was killed, Karimi donated the jersey he wore during the European Club Champions League to the Sohrabi family. (BBC Persian, July 26, 2009; Radio Farda, December 23, 2013).

2009 Election - Background

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.).

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested.

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction.

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them. 

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.”

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it.

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one. 

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture.

Mr. Ashkan Sohrabi’s arbitrary execution

Ashkan Sohrabi was killed on June 20, 2009, around 7:00 p.m., at the intersection of Bostan-e Sa‘di and Rudaki Streets (formerly Salsabil) during protests against the presidential election results. He was shot three times in the chest, with one bullet rupturing his aorta. (Rooz Online, July 2009; BBC Persian, July 26, 2009).

After returning home from a sports club on June 20, 2009, Mr. Sohrabi talked with his mother and sister about the crowded streets and road closures imposed by special security forces. His mother and sister tried to persuade him not to go outside. According to Zahra Nik Peyma, her son responded to their concerns by saying, "If I don't go, then no one else will either. Who, then, is supposed to defend the people’s rights?" (Radio Farda, December 23, 2013).

Around 7:30 p.m., Mr. Sohrabi left his house pretending to meet a friend. Soon after, he was shot by armed forces from the rooftop of a building at the intersection of Bostan-e Sa‘di and Rudaki Streets. Three bullets hit his chest, one causing the aorta to rupture. Witnesses said the armed forces were firing randomly and from a distance at protesters. (BBC Persian, July 26, 2009)

According to his mother, when Mr. Sohrabi failed to return home on time, she went out into the street and saw one of her son’s friends with a bleeding face shouting, "I don't know what happened, but they shot Ashkan." Ms. Nik Peyma rushed to the scene and found her son lying in a pool of blood. Mr. Sohrabi’s last words to his mother were: "Mother, I am burning." A motorcyclist at the scene took him to Rasoul Akram Hospital. However, according to the family, efforts to save his life failed due to the lack of adequate facilities, including a blood bank and proper oxygen equipment. He died about ten minutes later. The attending physician told the family that death had occurred almost immediately after the shooting because of gunshot wounds to the chest. (Iran-Dokht website, July 23, 2009; Rooz Online, June 30, 2009).

After three days of persistent family efforts, security authorities released Mr. Sohrabi’s body. He was buried with tight security, in the presence of two police vehicles, in Section 257, Row 50, Grave No. 19 at Behesht-e Zahra Cemetery. (BBC Persian, July 26, 2009).

Officials’ Reaction

Three days after Mr. Sohrabi’s death, security authorities returned his body to his family. They required the family to sign a pledge to hold a quiet burial and to transfer the body directly to Behesht-e Zahra Cemetery. On the day of the funeral, two security vehicles were present. Security officials tore down banners and flags and confiscated the family’s video camera during the funeral. (BBC Persian, July 26, 2009).

In December 2010, the Tehran Revolutionary Court Prosecutor’s Office issued a summons to Mr. Sohrabi’s mother. (HRANA, December 17, 2010)

Officials suggested to Mr. Sohrabi’s mother that she give an interview on state television to reiterate the authorities’ narrative in exchange for receiving “10 million tomans.” Red Crescent Society representatives also visited the Sohrabi family and pledged to pay “blood money.” (Agh Bahman blog, September 17, 2009).

However, officials at the Tehran Criminal Prosecutor’s Office declined to act on the family’s complaint, stating: "You are wasting your time because you have filed a complaint against the government. In other words, you have complained government to the government." (Rooz Online, October 22, 2009; March 3, 2010).

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms.

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible:

a) Warning shots.

b) Shots aimed at the lower body.

c) Shots aimed at the upper body.

(Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

**Note 1:** If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Given this situation, the families of those killed in the recent protests should file a complaint of murder with the Armed Forces Prosecutor's Office against the law enforcement officials involved. Although the prosecutor's office is responsible for conducting its own investigation, it is important to file the complaint and request an autopsy and forensic analysis before the body is buried. In addition, if there are witnesses to the scene, their written statements should be obtained as soon as possible. Their identifying information should also be recorded so that it can be presented later in court. The prosecutor's office should be asked to review any available CCTV footage of the scene. A major problem in these cases is the unwillingness of prosecutors to conduct a complete investigation. Without a complete investigation, it is difficult for the victim's family to identify a specific official as the perpetrator or to prove that the shooting was intentional.

Familys’ Reaction

After their son’s death, the Sohrabi family officially filed a complaint with the Tehran Criminal Prosecutor’s Office. Over the next few months, they repeatedly visited the judicial authorities to check on the case, but received no clear response. Mr. Sohrabi’s mother stated that officials not only failed to investigate those responsible for the shooting but also seemed to try to discourage the family from pursuing justice through indifference and silence. (Rooz Online, October 22, 2009; March 3, 2010).

She stated that she refused to let officials who approached her with a proposal give an interview to state television into her home. In response to officials from the Red Crescent Society offering to pay blood money, she said: "I will pay you twice the blood money and kill your son. Would you accept that?" Emphasizing her pursuit of justice, she added, "People are watching us and asking us not to sell ourselves." (Agh Bahman blog, September 17, 2009).

Ashkan Sohrabi’s mother: “They want to wash their hands of our children’s blood, but I will not stay silent. Ashkan’s only 'crime' was wearing a green wristband."

The Sohrabi family insisted on continuing their legal and public pursuit of the case. His mother emphasized that her goal was not revenge, but rather to clarify the truth and document her son’s injustice. She stated that her son was innocent and was killed solely for wearing a green wristband in support of the protests. She added that the authorities aimed to keep such cases quiet and allow them to fade from public memory over time. However, she would not let this happen. (Rooz Online, October 22, 2009; March 3, 2010).

Mr. Sohrabi’s mother emphasized that if the case was not resolved in Iran, she would pursue it through international channels. She said that seeking justice for her son was not only her right but also her duty as a mother and a responsibility to all mothers whose children were killed during the 2009 protests. She stated that staying silent about these crimes was like taking part in covering them up, and she would never stay silent. (Rooz Online, October 22, 2009; March 3, 2010).

In an interview with BBC Persian, Ashkan’s mother said he was her family's only son and their main source of hope and comfort. She described him as an artist and athlete who was killed in five minutes, yet no one has been held accountable. She asked, “Who will take responsibility for my child’s death?” (BBC Persian, July 26, 2009).

Due to the lack of accountability by domestic authorities, the Sohrabi family filed a complaint with international organizations, along with the families of six other individuals killed during the protests. After Ahmed Shaheed was appointed the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Iran, the families submitted documentation and gave interviews, asking for the cases to be reviewed. In his first report, issued on March 3, 2012, Ashkan Sohrabi's name was listed among the victims of the post-election crackdown. The report called on Iranian authorities to provide explanations for these cases. (Report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Iran, March 3, 2012).

Impacts on Family

The death of Mr. Ashkan Sohrabi was a devastating loss for his family. His mother, suffering from a heart condition, was struck by severe shock and faced both psychological and physical crises upon hearing the news of her son’s death. (Rooz Online, June 30, 2009)

Four years after her son’s death, Mr. Sohrabi’s mother said in an interview: "Life has lost its meaning for us. At times, I feel so alone that I question why he left, even though I understand he sacrificed his life for his beliefs” (Radio Farda, December 23, 2013).

According to family members, the household's atmosphere changed forever after Mr. Sohrabi was killed. Silence and grief replaced its former vitality, and family members tried to appear strong to avoid breaking each other. In several interviews, they emphasized that Ashkan's death was not just a personal tragedy but also a wound inflicted on society. (Abdorrahman Boroumand Center archives)

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