Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Habibollah Fathi

About

Age: 62
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Islam (Sunni)
Civil Status: Married

Case

Date of Killing: November 19, 2022
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Divandareh, Kordestan Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm

About this Case

Those close to Habibollah Fathi described him as a warmhearted, family-oriented man with strong social ties. He was a well-known and respected figure within the Divandareh community.

Information regarding the life and arbitrary execution of Mr. Habibollah Fathi, son of Sa’id and Golkhas, was obtained through an Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC) interview with one of his relatives on June 25, 2023. Additional information was gathered from the websites of HRANA (September 16, 2023), the Kurdistan Human Rights Network (October 2, 2023), Kurdpa (November 19, 2023), as well as the website and X page of Iran International TV (December 23, 2022, and March 15, 2023), and documents from the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC) archives.

Mr. Fathi was born on June 24, 1960, in Haji Musa, a village near Divandareh in Kurdistan Province. His education was limited to basic literacy. He was married and the father of eight children. He worked independently, trading in the local market. (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023).

Mr. Fathi was politically active. According to a relative, he had been in contact with Kurdish political groups since he was young. At the start of the 1979 Revolution, he joined the Komala Organization and served as a Peshmerga for two years. After his brother, who was also a member of Komala, was arrested, Mr. Fathi left the organization. Some time later, government officials summoned him and his father to the prison to follow up on his brother’s case. However, when they arrived, they were given his brother’s bullet-riddled body. After his brother was executed, Mr. Fathi stepped back from political and organizational activities. Instead, he chose a path of civil engagement, which, according to a relative, was also marked by ongoing pressure and hardship (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023).

During the nationwide protests triggered by the killing of Mahsa (Jina) Amini in 2022, Mr. Fathi actively participated in Divandareh. He stayed in contact with young demonstrators, protecting and advising them on personal safety. According to one of his relatives, it is believed that during the Divandareh protests, forces identified as part of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) marked him as a "leader of the demonstrations" (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023).

A relative described Mr. Fathi as a "family-oriented, kind, and supportive man with warm social relations," and therefore "a well-known figure in the city of Divandareh." According to this source, some local residents even turned to him for help in resolving social and community disputes (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023).

2022 (Mahsa Amini) Protest background

Nationwide protests were sparked by the death in custody of 22-year old Kurdish woman Jina (Mahsa) Amini on September 16, 2022. Amini had been arrested by the morality police in Tehran for improper veiling on September 13 and sent brain dead to the hospital. The news of her death triggered protests, which started with a widespread expression of outrage on social media and the gathering of a large crowd in front of the hospital,continued in the city of Saqqez (Kordestan Province), where Mahsa was buried. Popular exasperation over the morality patrols and the veil in general, aggravated by misleading statements of the authorities regarding the cause of Mahsa’s death and the impunity generally granted to state agents for the violence used against detainees led to months of nationwide protests. Initially led by young girls and women who burned their veils, and youth in general, protesters adopted the slogan “Women, Life, Freedom,” chanted during Amini’s burial. The protest rapidly took on a clear anti-regime tone, with protesters calling for an end to the Islamic Republic. 

The scope and duration of the protest was unprecedented. State efforts to withdraw the morality police from the streets and preventative arrests of journalists and political and civil society activists did not stop the protests. By the end of December 2022, protests had taken place in about 164 cities and towns, including localities that had never witnessed protests. Close to 150 universities, high schools, businesses, and groups including oil workers, merchants of the Tehran bazaar (among others), teachers, lawyers (at least 49 of whom had been arrested as of February 1st, 2023), artists, athletes, and even doctors joined these protests in various forms. Despite the violent crackdown and mass arrests, intense protests continued for weeks, at least through November 2022, with reports of sporadic activity continuing through the beginning of 2023.

The State’s crackdown was swift and accompanied by intermittent landline and cellular internet network shutdowns, as well as threats against and arrests of victims’ family members, factors which posed a serious challenge to monitoring protests and documenting casualties. The security forces used illegal, excessive, and lethal force with handguns, shotguns, and military assault rifles against protesters. They often targeted protesters’ heads and chests, shot them at close range, and in the back. Security forces have targeted faces with pellets, causing hundreds of protesters to lose their eyesight, and according to some reports women’s genitalia.

Since the start of the nationwide protests, and particularly after reports in late September 2022 that a police commander in Rask had raped a 15-year-old Baloch girl, Sistan and Baluchestan Province became the scene of deadly demonstrations. Unlike in other provinces, security forces in Balochistan relied exclusively on live ammunition.

On September 30, 2022 (Zahedan’s Bloody Friday), worshippers at Makki Mosque demanded a transparent investigation into the sexual assault and accountability from officials. A small group of them marched toward Police Station No. 16 while chanting protest slogans, where they were met with direct gunfire from security forces and plainclothes agents. Armed forces even fired into the mosque itself. At least 97 people were killed in Zahedan that day. In the aftermath, cities across Balochistan, including Khash, Saravan, and Rask, witnessed further protest gatherings.

On November 4, 2022 (Khash’s Bloody Friday), security forces again responded with extreme violence. After Friday prayers, they opened fire with live ammunition on protesters and even bystanders. At least 18 people, including two children, were killed and many others were wounded.

The Zahedan protests continued every Friday for months. Under pressure, the Armed Forces Judiciary eventually indicted 11 members of the security forces on charges of “fatal and injurious shootings” and 15 others on charges of “abuse of authority and unlawful use of firearms.” The closed-door proceedings ended, after two years, with only a handful of low-ranking officers sentenced to ten years in prison. Families of the victims were offered blood money. None of the commanders or senior officials responsible for the massacre were prosecuted.

 By February 1, 2023, the Human Rights Activists News Agency reported the number of recorded protests to be 1,262. The death toll, including protesters and passersby, stood at 527, of whom 71 were children. The number of arrests (including of wounded protesters) was estimated at a minimum at 22,000 , of whom 766 had already been tried and convicted. More than 100 protesters were at risk of capital punishment, and four had been executed in December 2022 and January 2023 without minimum standards of due process. Authorities also claimed 70 casualties among state forces, though there are consistent reports from families of killed protesters indicating authorities have pressured them or offered them rewards to falsely register their loved ones as such. Protesters, human rights groups, and the media have reported cases of beatings, torture (including to coerce confessions), and sexual assaults. Detainees have no access to lawyers during interrogations and their confessions are used in courts as evidence.

Public support and international solidarity with protesters have also been unprecedented (the use of the hashtag #MahsaAmini in Farsi and English broke world records) and on November 24, 2022, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution calling for the creation of a fact finding mission to “Thoroughly and independently investigate alleged human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran related to the protests that began on 16 September 2022, especially with respect to women and children.”

 Mr. Habibollah Fathi’s arbitrary execution

Mr. Habibollah Fathi was fatally shot around 11:45 a.m. on November 19, 2022, by government armed forces amid nationwide protests. The incident took place near Divandareh’s main square, at the corner of Raja’i Street and Imam Khomeini Street. (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023).

According to a relative, videos from the early days of the Divandareh protests showed Mr. Fathi among the demonstrators. His family and friends warned him about the potential consequences of being identified in these videos and urged him to be cautious. About a week later, however, he participated in the protests again, and his presence was captured on video once more. According to the source, an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) member approached Mr. Fathi, telling him that he had been identified and that there was video evidence of his involvement. The officer reportedly warned him to "be careful so as not to get into trouble and not to attend the protests again." (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023).

On the morning of November 19, 2022, around 10:30 a.m., Mr. Fathi went to the city center to join the protests. When security forces used tear gas to disperse the crowd, he felt unwell and took refuge in a nearby acquaintance's yard. Soon after, he returned to the protest site. A relative stated that IRGC forces were present and are believed to have identified Mr. Fathi as a "leader of the protests." (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023)

The same source recounted that Mr. Fathi believed his age would protect him and that the agents would not shoot him. He approached a group of young protesters and told them that the house of Divandareh’s parliamentary representative had been set on fire. Due to the presence of security forces, he advised them not to go in that direction. As Mr. Fathi turned back toward the officers, two plainclothes agents opened fire on him from an estimated distance of 200 to 300 meters using Kalashnikov rifles loaded with live ammunition. He was struck in the head and died instantly. According to the interviewee, “a bullet hit him from the back left side of his head, exited through his left eye, and destroyed half of his face.” (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023).

Videos recorded in Divandareh that day show Mr. Fathi’s blood-soaked body lying on the ground surrounded by people. In these videos, his head and face appear severely wounded on the left side. A relative stated that, moments before the footage was recorded, government agents had been filming the body and trying to carry it away. However, they withdrew when protesters and local youths formed a circle around the body. When protesters tried to carry Mr. Fathi’s body away, security forces opened fire again, injuring three to four people with pellets. Eventually, the young protesters managed to place Mr. Fathi’s body in a car and drive away from the scene. According to the same source, the group initially thought about taking the body to the hospital but decided instead to take it to Mr. Fathi’s home. One of his sons joined them on the way, and another son learned of the situation near the family home. Before the rest of the family saw Mr. Fathi in that condition, his two sons decided to transport his body to his birthplace, Haji Musa, and bury him there. (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023).

Mr. Fathi’s body was buried without an official death certificate. A relative described the condition of his body before burial: "The left side of his face, including the eye socket, was completely destroyed, while the right side was intact. His clothes were torn at the back of the neck." (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023).

Mr. Fathi’s family transported his body to his birthplace for burial, where the burial occurred without an official death certificate. The family later received a certificate, initially stating the date of death as the day before and indicating the cause as “unknown.” This entry was later amended to specify “heart disease.”

His funeral was held the same day in his village, followed by memorial gatherings in Divandareh. About a week after his death, the family requested an official death certificate. The first certificate issued listed November 18, 2022 (one day before the incident) as the date of death and the cause as “unknown.” After the family objected, the date was corrected, but the cause of death was changed from "unknown" to "heart disease." (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023)

According to a relative, in the days and weeks after the killing, as rumors about the shooter's identity spread throughout the city, the family viewed these as attempts to portray the killing as motivated by personal reasons. They stated: "We are not concerned with an individual. It doesn't matter to us who pulled the trigger; the killer of our loved one is the Islamic Republic" (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023). 

The fortieth-day memorial for Mr. Fathi was held in Haji Musa village, where participants chanted slogans against the government. (Iran International website, December 23, 2022). On the last Thursday of the Iranian year 1401, March 15, 2023, Mr. Fathi’s family, friends, and fellow townspeople gathered at his grave in Divandareh and laid flowers in his memory. (Iran International X page, March 15, 2023).

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms.

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible:

a) Warning shots.

b) Shots aimed at the lower body.

c) Shots aimed at the upper body.

(Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

**Note 1:** If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Given this situation, the families of those killed in the recent protests should file a complaint of murder with the Armed Forces Prosecutor's Office against the law enforcement officials involved. Although the prosecutor's office is responsible for conducting its own investigation, it is important to file the complaint and request an autopsy and forensic analysis before the body is buried. In addition, if there are witnesses to the scene, their written statements should be obtained as soon as possible. Their identifying information should also be recorded so that it can be presented later in court. The prosecutor's office should be asked to review any available CCTV footage of the scene. A major problem in these cases is the unwillingness of prosecutors to conduct a complete investigation. Without a complete investigation, it is difficult for the victim's family to identify a specific official as the perpetrator or to prove that the shooting was intentional.

Officials’ Reaction

Security officials in Divandareh tried to prevent Mr. Fathi’s funeral and memorial services from taking place. Until the seventh-day ceremony, they pressured the family with indirect threats and intermediaries, warning of consequences should the events take place. They also intimidated the public by spreading fear and warnings about the repercussions of attending such gatherings. As a result, the family was forced to hold the ceremonies on a limited scale. (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023).

On September 15, 2023, one of Mr. Fathi’s sons was arrested without a judicial warrant by security forces and taken to a detention center in Sanandaj for questioning. (HRANA, September 16, 2023; Kurdpa, November 19, 2023). He was released temporarily after 18 days in custody after posting bail of 700 million tomans. (Kurdistan Human Rights Network, October 2, 2023).

Familys’ Reaction

There is no information available regarding any legal action taken by Habibollah Fathi's family in response to his killing.

Impacts on Family

Mr. Fathi’s death deeply affected his family. Although he was a well-known and respected figure in Divandareh, his passing led the locals to show special respect and sympathy toward his family. One of his relatives said, "The family was shattered, and they lost their pillar of strength. It created an immense void in their lives—one that nothing can fill.” The same relative added that, for a long time after the killing, family members were very affected whenever they saw videos related to the incident, as it reminded them of their early days of grief. "The family lives under constant stress. Some have developed psychological problems and are worried that another family member might be arrested or lose their job." (ABC interview with a relative, June 25, 2023).

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