Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
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One Person’s Story

Davud Sadri

About

Age: 26
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: June 15, 2009
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Azadi Square, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm » targeting vital organs

About this Case

Security forces were visibly present at the hospital. Later, Davud Sadri’s family was informed of his death. However, the authorities refused to release his body.

Information regarding arbitrary execution of Davud Sadri, son of Ali Akbar, was gathered from the websites of Radio Farda (November 9, 2013), the Islamic Revolution Documents Center (June 15, 2017), Amir Kabir Newsletter (July 30, 2009), the Human Rights Activists News Agency – HRANA (July 30, 2009), Rooz Online (July 29, 2009, and June 23, 2010), and the Green Path of Hope website quoting Saham News (July 30, 2009), as well as videos posted on YouTube. Mr. Sadri’s name also appears on numerous lists of people killed during the 2009 post-election protests. Information about the shootings at Basij Base No. 117 in Tehran’s Meqdad District on June 15, 2009, was obtained through an ABC interview with an eyewitness who saw Mr. Sadri being shot at the scene.

According to available information, Davud Sadri was born in Tehran in August 1983. He worked as an electrical technician at a pharmaceutical company on Fatemi Street in Tehran (Green Movement, July 16, 2010; Islamic Revolution Documents Center, June 15, 2017). He served as a “warehouse and distribution supervisor” at a pharmaceutical company. (Fars News Agency, June 30, 2009)

Mr. Sadri’s father, a retired employee of the Aerospace Industries Organization, said he was bedridden because of illness. He mentioned that his son Davud was the family’s biggest support and "their entire world" (Green Movement, July 16, 2010). Mr. Sadri’s mother recalled that they were a hardworking family, not involved in politics, and focused solely on their daily lives: "I raised my son through hardship" (Rooz Online, June 23, 2010).

On June 15, 2009, Mr. Sadri participated in the protests in Tehran against the contested presidential election results.

Event background (2009 Election)  

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.).

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested.

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction.

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them. 

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.”

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it.

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one. 

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture.

Mr. Davud Sadri’s arbitrary execution

According to available information, Mr. Davud Sadri was shot by government forces on the evening of June 15, 2009, during the post-election protests. He was shot in front of Basij Base No. 117 in Tehran’s Meqdad District and died a few hours later from his injuries at the hospital.

Mr. Sadri participated in the protest that day against the announced presidential election results. As demonstrators dispersed at the end of the march, Basij paramilitary forces opened fire, killing and injuring several people. At the start of the Mohammad Ali Jenah Expressway, on the northern side of Azadi Square, forces from Basij Base No. 117 Neinava in Tehran’s Meqdad District fired on the crowd from a rooftop and a building. Videos uploaded to YouTube at the time show dozens of protesters gathered in front of the base, chanting slogans. While the footage does not show direct clashes between protesters and Basij members, gunfire is clearly audible, and people are seen carrying away the wounded. According to an eyewitness, the crowd near the base was unarmed. The exact number of casualties remains unknown, but Mr. Davud Sadri, Mr. Sohrab Arabi, Mr. Naser Amirnejad, Ms. Sorur Borumand, and Ms. Fatemeh Rajabpur, all inside the kindergarten building across from the base, were struck by bullets — some fatally. (ABC Documentation Archive)

Mr. Sadri worked with his father. That day, his father came home earlier than usual and told his wife that Davud would "come home later." His mother became worried and anxious until Davud called himself. (Rooz Online, July 29, 2009). He told her, "We were on the bus, but they made us get off because the road was blocked. We’re walking now. I’m near Azadi Square and on my way home." (Radio Farda, November 9, 2013). Around 9:00 p.m., the home phone rang. It was Davud’s friends, saying they had called his mobile phone, but someone else had answered and told them to go to Rasul Akram Hospital. Mr. Sadri, who had been shot in the heart and spleen, was transferred to Rasul Akram Hospital in Tehran along with 17 other injured people. (Rooz Online, July 29, 2009).

Mr. Sadri’s mother later recalled, "God knows how we got to the hospital. They said he was undergoing surgery. We waited outside the operating room. A woman came to me and said, 'Your son is gone.' I asked, 'What do you mean, gone? He’s still in surgery; he hasn’t come out yet.” Then they told me, “He died during surgery.” I don’t remember what happened after that. My heart has been burning for a year now. They didn’t even let me see my child’s body at the hospital." (Rooz Online, June 23, 2010).

Videos recorded on mobile phones show that the bullet entered Mr. Sadri’s torso on the left side and exited on the right side while he was standing some distance from the Basij base. (ABC Documentation Archive). His father, quoting eyewitnesses, said: "A bullet was fired from the roof of the Basij base into my son’s left arm, burned through it, and reached his heart. It’s not just one person saying this—everyone who was there that day saw who was standing on that rooftop” (Green Movement, July 16, 2010). 

According to Ali Jamali, a Central Council member of the Organization of Iranian Graduates and a relative of Mr. Sadri, the family "immediately went to the hospital upon hearing the news, but hospital officials refused to provide any information about his condition." Security forces were visibly present at Rasul Akram Hospital. After some time, the family was informed of Mr. Sadri’s death, but his body was not released to them” (Rooz Online, July 29, 2009). 

The Sadri family spent several days trying to collect his body. Mr. Sadri’s mother said: "The hospital wouldn't hand over the body. Davud’s father ran around for five days trying to find our son’s body, going everywhere he could. Even the Forensic Medicine Organization refused to release it. They buried him themselves. They only allowed me to see his face at the burial—nothing else” (Rooz Online, June 23, 2010).

Mr. Sadri’s body was finally buried on June 21, 2009, under strict security measures in the Emamzadeh Ebrahim Cemetery in Karaj. (Rooz Online, July 29, 2009).

At the time of his death, Mr. Sadri was almost 26 years old.

Officials’ Reaction

When hospital staff informed Mr. Davud Sadri’s family of his death and they arrived at Rasul Akram Hospital, security forces were clearly present and prevented the family from taking his body away. (Rooz Online, July 29, 2009).

According to Ali Jamali, a Central Council member of the Alumni Association of Iran and a relative of Mr. Sadri, the hospital refused to release the body. It was finally handed over to the family on June 21, 2009, under strict security measures, but only after they signed a written commitment. He noted that although Daud had been killed on June 15, the death certificate was dated June 21. During the five days that the family searched for him, they received contradictory and confusing information from the authorities regarding how he was killed, the identity of the shooter(s), and the location of his body. (Rooz Online, July 29, 2009).

Mr. Sadri’s father recounted the coercion he experienced to recover his son’s body and the manipulation involved in the legal complaint: "When we went to claim Davud’s body, they forced us to sign a statement saying that we were filing a complaint against Mir Hossein Musavi. We had no choice but to comply if we wanted our son’s body." Later, when I visited the prosecutor’s office to follow up, they told me that, since Mr. Musavi had not received a permit for the rally, he was responsible for the deaths and that I should file a complaint against him. During an interview with Fars News, which they claimed was a friendly visit, I reiterated what I had been told. However, I also said that I was filing a complaint against the police commander for his incompetence. They published only the part about Musavi and omitted my real complaint” (Rooz Online, November 28, 2010).

After another presidential candidate, Mehdi Karubi, visited his home, the Shahriar Intelligence Office later summoned Mr. Ali Akbar Sadri. He said: "The Ministry of Intelligence in Shahriar called me in. I went. They know everything about our lives. I served in the army for 23 years without a single problem. Why should they summon me just because Mr. Karubi came to our house?" Did I ever shut the door on officials from the IRGC, the Basij, or the Governor’s Office? My door is open to everyone—Musavi, Khatami, and so on” (Green Path of Hope, July 16, 2010).

Following Mr. Sadri’s killing, the family’s phone lines—and those of their relatives—were placed under surveillance. Some family members were detained and interrogated for answering condolence calls from abroad. According to Mr. Sadri’s father, one of his nieces, Ms. Samira Sadri, a former student activist, was interrogated by security agents. "What was her crime? It was just days after we lost Davud. One of her classmates from England called, and in her anger, she said, 'Those Basijis killed my cousin.' People were openly saying that in the streets. Yet they summoned her and made her sign a pledge not to call England again” (Green Path of Hope, July 16, 2010). 

Brigadier General Abdollah Araqi, commander of the Tehran Basij, later confirmed that Basij forces opened fire on civilians in front of Basij Battalion 117 Ashura during a speech at the "handover ceremony for the heads of the Student and Teachers' Basij of Tehran Province" on October 12, 2009. (ISNA, October 12, 2009).

One year after Mr. Sadri’s death, government news agencies published photos of him and his family attending official ceremonies honoring the so-called “Martyrs of the Sedition” and “Basij Martyrs” (Green Path of Hope, July 16, 2010; Mehr News Agency, June 18, 2010). 

Mr. Sadri’s sister, Tahereh Sadri, who attended a “Basij Martyrs Memorial” at Tehran’s Mahdieh Hall, explained, "The photo they published shows my daughter holding up her uncle’s picture at the Mahdieh ceremony. However, neither my brother nor anyone in our family is a member of the Basij. They called and told us to attend, so we went." (Green Path of Hope, July 16, 2010).

The Sadri family confirmed that government institutions tried to portray their son as a Basij member. In an interview with an independent media outlet outside Iran, Mr. Sadri’s father said, "My son was not a Basij member. The state newspapers wrote whatever they wanted. After 30 years of honest service to this country, my young son was killed, and then the Martyrs Foundation told me I should be proud that he was a Basij member. I said, ‘When he wasn’t one, why should I lie?’ He was just an ordinary employee. It would be in the country’s best interest if they at least named his killer.” He added, "Before the anniversary, Basij officials came to our house saying they wanted to hold a memorial for the martyrs. Later, they included my son among them." They even gave us an ID card. I asked them, 'Does this card replace my son?' Officials from the governor's office also came. I told them how my son was killed. Major General Mohammad Ali Jafari, the IRGC commander at the time, was supposed to visit but couldn’t. His representatives came, and we said we had only one request—to identify the killer.” (Green Path of Hope, July 16, 2010)

The state-run Fars News Agency later published statements attributed to Ali Akbar Sadri concerning his niece, Samira Sadri, and her husband, Ali Jamali. Ms. Sadri, a former member of the Office for Strengthening Unity (Daftar-e Tahkim-e Vahdat), responded: They are taking advantage of my uncle's innocence. He believes that everyone—from the IRGC and the Basij to Ahmadinejad and Musavi—is at fault, but they only publish what supports their story, portraying Musavi as responsible. They are exploiting the emotional and psychological state of grieving families.” (Rooz Online, November 28, 2010). 

Since the authorities prohibited the family from holding the memorial on June 15 and 20, they held it on the first anniversary of Davud’s death, June 18, 2010. His mother said: "We held the ceremony over the weekend. Nothing happened, and no one interfered." (Rooz Online, June 23, 2010).

Familys’ Reaction

According to available information, Mr. Sadri’s family filed a complaint against the commander of the law enforcement forces regarding the killing of their son. Although Mr. Sadri’s father stated that they were pressured to sign a written pledge to file a complaint against Mir-Hossein Musavi, one of the 2009 presidential candidates, he emphasized that his main complaint was against the commander of the law enforcement forces. About a year after his son’s death, he described the outcome of their complaint as follows: "Their clear answer is that plainclothes agents shot our child. The investigating judge is a good man. At first, he told us that whoever ordered or carried out the killing would be brought to trial. But after a while, he bluntly said, 'Plainclothes agents shot your child.' Our question is this: If so many people were arrested, how is it that not a single plainclothes officer who allegedly shot our child has been identified? Where were these plainclothes agents? Everyone knows that shots were fired from the roof of the Basij post [Meqdad district / or Basij Post 117 Neinava] at my son.” (Green Movement, July 16, 2010)

Although no official authority has identified the killer and authorities claim the case is under investigation, Mr. Sadri’s father said he personally visited the spot where his son was shot multiple times. He spoke directly with witnesses who said that people on the roof of Basij Post 117 Neinava in the Meqdad district of Tehran fired at his son’s chest. (Green Movement, July 16, 2010).

On the first anniversary of his son’s death, Ali Akbar Sadri said that the authorities still hadn't provided the family a clear answer to their complaint, only telling them that the case was under review. However, he vowed: “We will pursue this until the day they identify the person who killed my child.” (Rooz Online, November 28, 2010). In an earlier interview, Mr. Sadri’s mother commented on the slow progress of the investigation: "If they do not investigate and do not identify the killer, I leave them to God. Let us see what God does with them." She said the killer was "the very person who shot him and brought him down with a bullet" and added, "I want them to bring him in and identify him." (Roozonline, June 22, 2010).

Mr. Sadri recounted his attempts to pursue the case at Tehran’s prosecutor’s office. During Sa'id Mortazavi’s tenure as Tehran prosecutor (from 2003 to 2009), Mr. Sadri said they were turned away from Mortazavi’s office and treated with disrespect and insult. He said the Revolutionary Court behaved similarly, describing his two visits to the court as deeply disappointing. In contrast, the criminal court at least listened to them, even if they were ignored. Mr. Sadri described the Revolutionary Court as a place of injustice and said his experiences there were discouraging. According to the Sadri family, “their attempts to reach Iran’s judiciary were unsuccessful; the final response was that plainclothes agents killed their son. The investigating judge told them so. The case remains open in the judicial system but has yielded no results” (Radio Farda, November 9, 2013).

In a later interview, on the second anniversary of their son’s death, Mrs. Sadri said that the family did not hold a public memorial. Instead, they recited the Qur'an at home on the designated day and planned to visit his grave. Regarding the lack of progress in the investigation after two years, she said, "We went and came back, and we will keep going and coming, but they give us no answers. They have done nothing for us. We must endure and rely on God because there is nothing else we can do." They killed my child so easily but give no answers. Yet, I will not despair of God. Did He not say that the blood of the innocent will be avenged? I will wait to see how my innocent child’s blood is accounted for” (Roozonline, June 18, 2011).

According to Mr. Sadri’s mother, "We were a working-class family. We had nothing to do with politics and simply minded our own business.”

At the time of the shooting, Mr. Sadri was carrying a bag that contained "all his documents, including his driver's license, national ID, military service card, bankbook, and 3 million Toman in cash" (Green Movement, July 16, 2010; Rooz Online, June 22, 2010). The state-run Fars News Agency reported that "some amount of money was stolen" when Mr. Sadri was shot and killed but did not mention the bag. (Fars News Agency, June 29, 2009).

Mr. Sadri’s father commented on the missing bag: "When we went to inquire, they said the bag must have been stolen where he was shot. My question is this: If people stole his bag, why were all the documents returned to us later? I tell the intelligence officers, 'You have the bag, but you say thieves took it.' When I went to the hospital that very night, they only allowed me in after seeing my child's name — meaning they had identified him from documents in the bag. The issue is simple for me: Why don't they tell the truth?" (Green Movement, July 16, 2010)

Impacts on Family

According to available information, the death of Mr. Davud Sadri had a deep impact on his family. A year after her son’s death, his mother described the devastating impact it had on their lives: "They took life away from us. In all this time, has anyone come to ask me—a grieving mother whose beloved child was killed—how I am? Why must I sit and speak to my son’s photograph? Where is he? Why can’t I touch him or hold him in my arms? How could they do this? Sometimes I lose my strength and tell myself that maybe this was my child’s fate. But my eyes are going blind from crying so much. I don't know. God Himself must deal with the killers of our innocent children. This pain tears my heart apart. I have no hope but in God to bring me justice.” (Rooz Online, June 23, 2010)

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