Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Mohammad Dastankhah

About

Age: 15
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: November 16, 2019
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Sadra, Shiraz, Fars Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm » targeting vital organs
Age at time of alleged offense: Under 18

About this Case

On his way home, Mohammad was shot dead near Molana Crossroad, across from the Basij Resistance Base in Sadra. A relative said he should have been in class at that hour.

Information regarding the extrajudicial execution of Mohammad Dastankhah, son of Abdolreza and Narges, was obtained through an ABC interview with an informed individual close to the family on January 21, 2020. Additional information for this case was gathered from reports by Amnesty International (March 2020), the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran (December 10, 2019), the websites of Radio Zamaneh (December 7, 2019, and November 10, 2020), IranWire (December 10, 2019, and November 3, 2021), BBC Persian (November 14, 2020), Voice of America (VOA) Persian (November 13, 2020), Radio Farhang (December 31, 2019), the VOA Persian YouTube channel (November 10, 2021), and the Bloody Aban Facebook page (August 11, 2021), as well as documents preserved in the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center’s archives, including a court ruling (April 20, 2020) and a burial permit (November 20, 2019).

Mr. Mohammad Dastankhah was born on August 11, 2004, in Marvdasht, a city in Fars Province. He was the youngest of three children in a family of five, with an older brother and sister (Radio Zamaneh, December 7, 2019).

According to available information, Mohammad was a third-year middle school student at Ferdowsi School in Shiraz. In an interview, his sister described him as a warmhearted, energetic teenager who "always wanted to grow up fast and start working." He had an incredible amount of energy and was full of life. He loved to work and was deeply interested in robotics. He kept wires and armature parts at home, spent hours playing with them, and made all kinds of things. He was often outside playing with his friends and gathering them around him." (Radio Zamaneh, November 10, 2020). His mother recalled that Mohammad was very close to her. He often helped with household chores and dreamed of going to university to study mechanics and become an inventor. He built boats, attended English classes, and loved creating new things" (IranWire, December 10, 2019; November 3, 2021).

During his summer vacations, Mohammad attended robotics classes and constantly experimented and invented things at home, such as remote-controlled cars, boats, and helicopters. Although he was still a student, he had a strong desire to work. According to his mother, he distributed flyers in the neighborhood and often told her, "Mom, I want to work and earn so much money that I can fulfill all your wishes." She described him as a kind and outgoing boy who loved hosting family gatherings at their home (Radio Farhang, December 31, 2019). Both his mother and sister remembered him as a gentle and playful teenager who was well-known among his friends and passionate about football (Radio Zamaneh, November 10, 2020; Radio Farhang, December 31, 2019).

Background on the November 2019 protests

Just before midnight on November 14, 2019, the Iranian government announced a sharp increase in the price of gasoline (50% for subsidized gas and 200% for unsubsidized gas). The announcement led to countrywide protests starting on November 15. Based on available reports and video footage, non-violent protesters gathered in public places, blocked some roads and created traffic jams while chanting anti-government slogans on November 15 and 16. They called on fellow citizens to turn off their cars or chanted anti-regime slogans* in scores of cities and localities. By the evening of November 16, banks were reportedly set on fire in some areas and shooting was heard in some videos. The same evening, Iran imposed a countrywide information blackout by cutting off citizens’ access to the world web for at least ten days, undermining protesters’ ability to organize or to report on the state’s brutal response to their protest.** 

Iranian authorities’ response to unarmed protesters was swift, disproportionate, and deadly. Accusatory statements of the Islamic Republic’s leaders as early as November 16 indicated their lack of tolerance for citizens’ public expression of grievances. Protesters were accused of “evildoing” and having links to forces outside the country and were warned of harsh punishment for damaging properties. The first casualty was reported on November 15. On the second day of the protests, casualties increased with deadly shootings by the security forces in several cities. In videos sent from Iran, security forces can be seen using firearms and aiming at protesters in circumstances that do not appear to be life threatening. Plainclothes militias can also be seen beating and arresting protesters. In some cases, protesters blocked roads or gathered in front of police stations and government buildings, or chased security forces away with stones. Banks and other public structures in several provinces were burned, apparently by angry protesters, and security forces can be seen in videos damaging properties. The protest, which spread to scores of cities (120), roads and localities outside urban areas was quashed within a few days.

At the time of this writing, The exact number of casualties remains unknown. In most cases, the authorities took dead and injured protesters away. In an effort to conceal the truth, authorities made families commit to silence in return for their loved ones’ bodies, forced some to bury them at night under security agent control, and asked others to pay various sums of money. On December 2, 2019, Amnesty International reported at least 208 deaths. Many protesters were shot in the head and hundreds more were injured and many are not accounted for. Iran acknowledged the death of five members of the security forces. According to one parliamentarian, at least 7,000 were arrested during and in the aftermath of the protest. The lack of transparency on arrests, official reports about detainees’ self-incriminating “confessions” in the immediate aftermath of the protests, and reports from overcrowded prisons and detention centers raised serious concerns about the safety of detainees.

Mr. Mohammad Dastankhah’s arbitrary execution

According to available information, Mohammad Dastankhah was shot and killed by security forces at the Basij Resistance Base of Sadra, located across from the Molana Crossroad in Sadra, Shiraz, on November 16, 2019.

Like many other cities across Iran, Shiraz experienced widespread protests that day against the government’s sudden increase in gasoline prices. Mohammad’s school held classes in the afternoon. According to a family acquaintance, Mohammad had lunch with his mother at home around 11:40 a.m. on November 16 and then left for school. His mother was unaware of the protests happening in the city. When she later saw some of Mohammad’s friends in their neighborhood, she was surprised to see them and asked about their absence from school. They told her that classes had been canceled because of the protests. Concerned, she called the vice principal and learned that the administration had decided to end classes early at around 2:00 p.m. and send students home. While searching for her son, Mohammad’s mother heard from neighbors that several people had been shot and killed during the protests. She went to Abu Ali Sina Organ Transplant Hospital, located near their home in Sadra, and asked the nurses and doctors if they had admitted a student wearing a school uniform and carrying a black backpack. The hospital staff reportedly broke into tears—they had seen Mohammad’s body, still wearing his uniform and carrying his backpack. (ABC interview with an informed individual, January 21, 2020). Ultimately, the family found Mohammad’s body in the hospital morgue. “He was lying there in his school uniform, with his bag and books beside the morgue's metal drawers.” (IranWire, November 3, 2021).

Mohammad’s mother later recalled that initially, the hospital staff denied knowing anything about her son. Only after she showed them his photo on her phone did a nurse confirm that Mohammad had been transferred to the morgue with his school bag, thus confirming his death. The medical staff explained that the large number of casualties made accurate reporting impossible. Mohammad’s mother described learning of her son’s death as a moment of disbelief and overwhelming shock. His father, a laborer in Yazd, found out about his son’s death through a phone call from his wife. (Radio Farhang, December 31, 2019).

According to information obtained from the school janitor, after classes were dismissed, Mohammad and his classmates bought sandwiches and tokhm-e sharbati drinks before heading home. (IranWire, December 10, 2019). While on his way back, at the Molana crossroads in Sadra, across from the Basij base, Mohammad was sitting by the roadside with a friend when Basij forces shot him. This happened at a time when, as one relative noted, he should have been sitting at his classroom desk. (ABC interview with an informed individual, January 21, 2020; Radio Farhang, December 31, 2019).

According to Amnesty International, on November 16, 2019, security forces stationed on the rooftop of the Basij office in Sadra used live ammunition against unarmed protesters and bystanders (Amnesty International, March 2020). Based on the available timeline, about two hours passed between the school's closure (around 2:00 p.m.) and when Mohammad was likely shot.

A family relative reported that the hospital confirmed the bullet struck Mohammad’s heart, killing him instantly. The bullet entered the left side of his torso, pierced his heart, and exited the right side. According to a friend of Mohammad's who was with him when he was shot, "The moment the bullet hit him, he simply rested his head on the ground—and it was over within seconds" (IranWire, December 10, 2019). Mohammad’s mother, who saw photographs of his body months later, said she could see a hole and heavy bleeding on his chest. (Radio Farhang, December 31, 2019).

In another account, Mohammad’s mother said: "Apparently, someone threw a stone, and when Mohammad was on his way home, the stone hit his leg. He couldn't walk. He sat by a roadside ditch to rest, and that’s when he was shot. His friend was sitting next to him at that very moment. During the court hearings, we learned that a photo of the incident exists, though it was never made available to us." (IranWire, November 3, 2021).

According to a relative, the family was sure that Mohammad was killed with a Kalashnikov rifle (ABC interview with an informed individual, January 21, 2020). However, according to Amnesty International, "no details were provided regarding the number or type of bullets that killed Mohammad Dastankhah" (Amnesty International, March 2020).

Four days passed between Mohammad's killing on November 16, 2019, and the delivery of his body to the family. According to a family member, "On the first day at the hospital, they showed us Mohammad’s body but told us to leave, saying they would contact us later. The next day, all roads were blocked due to ongoing clashes, and we weren’t allowed near the hospital. On the third day, they called and instructed us to appear at the military court located at the IRGC headquarters in Shiraz. From there, we were sent to the governor’s office." (IranWire, December 10, 2019). The family finally received Mohammad’s body on the evening of November 20, 2019 (ABC interview with an informed individual, January 21, 2020). 

The burial permit issued that day listed the cause of death as "massive internal bleeding," "rupture of the lungs, heart, and spleen," and "penetrating trauma (gunshot wound)" (copy of the burial permit in the ABC archives).

After the body was released to the family, it was transferred to the Golzar-e Shohada Mortuary in Marvdasht. Mohammad was buried beside his grandfather’s grave in the Kuh Sabz village cemetery in Marvdasht County on Friday, November 22, 2019. Approximately 3,000 people attended the funeral. (Radio Zamaneh, December 7, 2019; Radio Farhang, December 31, 2019).

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms.

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible: a) Warning shots; b) Shots aimed at the lower body; c) Shots aimed at the upper body. (Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

Note 1:If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Judicial Follow-up

According to available information, Mohammad Dastankhah’s family filed two official complaints: one with the Military Prosecutor’s Office of Fars Province against the security forces, and another with Branch 5 of the Investigation Office of the District 1 Prosecutor’s Office in Farhangshahr, Shiraz, against the school principal. They aimed to identify and prosecute those responsible for Mohammad’s death. When they received his son’s body, Mohammad’s father officially complained against the security forces. (BBC Persian, November 14, 2020).

The Dastankhah family also filed a complaint against the school for negligence. According to the family, Mohammad was at school on the day of the incident. However, to "avoid trouble," school officials denied his presence and recorded him as absent. Nevertheless, the school janitor and several students confirmed with their signatures and fingerprints that Mohammad had indeed attended school that day. The family stated that Mohammad’s friends were with him at the time of the shooting. One of them took the house key from his pocket and later returned it to the family. They emphasized that these friends were direct eyewitnesses to the shooting. (International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, December 10, 2019; IranWire, December 10, 2019).

In March 2021, roughly one and a half years after Mohammad’s death, Branch 5 of the Shiraz District 1 (Farhangshahr) Prosecutor’s Office Investigation Office issued its final decision regarding the Dastankhah family’s complaint against the Ferdowsi School administrators. The decision stated that “the death of the plaintiff’s son resulted from gunfire by law enforcement agents during the recent unrest, not from a shooting by school staff.” Citing Article 265 of the 2014 Code of Criminal Procedure (as amended) and emphasizing the presumption of innocence and lack of sufficient evidence to prove a crime, the investigating judge issued a non-prosecution order for the defendant and gave the plaintiff ten days to appeal the order to Branch 2 of the Shiraz County Criminal Court. (Copy of the final court decision, ABC Documentation Archive).

In response to the Dastankhah family’s complaint against the armed forces, the Second Branch of the Military Prosecutor’s Office of Fars Province stated that Mohammad was present “in full awareness of the area’s insecurity,” “amid the city’s unrest,” and “in front of the Basij headquarters.” The office concluded that the Basij forces had opened fire in "legitimate self-defense" to prevent "rioters" from accessing "weapons and ammunition stored in the Basij facility." Ultimately, this branch issued a non-prosecution order for the accused due to lack of evidence, citing Articles 156 of the Islamic Penal Code (2013) and 265 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (2014). However, the prosecutor requested that compensation (blood money) be paid to the family of the deceased from the public treasury due to the lack of sufficient evidence of any violent or destructive act by the deceased, citing the Islamic legal principle of "no Muslim’s blood may be rendered void," as well as a directive by the National Security Council. (Copy of the final court decision, ABC Documentation Archive).

Mr. Dastankhah’s father later explained the outcome of these complaints: "They know very well who fired the shot, but they never told the family anything. The judge said there was an order from authorities and that we could only request blood money.” (Voice of America, November 13, 2020).

Officials’ Reaction

According to a relative of Mohammad Dastankhah, the Ferdowsi School principal in Sadra, Shiraz, announced the day after the killing that "he had not been present at school on the day of the incident because he was sent out during class hours—when he was shot." (ABC interview with an informed individual, January 21, 2020).

A family member said that security forces informed Mohammad’s parents that since he was a minor and a student, they would return his body to them. The same relative added, "Although the security forces did not appear at the funeral, they were probably watching from a distance, observing the family's grief and the flag-waving during the burial. (IranWire, December 10, 2019)."

According to the Dastankhah family, in the days immediately following Mohammad’s death and during their subsequent legal pursuit of justice, various authorities, including the police and judiciary, offered them compensation in the form of blood money (International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, December 10, 2019) Mohammad’s mother said that government agents asked the family to provide a bank account number for the payment. She added that IRGC and army officials who visited their home in the days following the killing advised them to remain silent in exchange for having Mohammad declared a “martyr.” She recalled: "One of the IRGC officials even came personally to our house to apologize." (IranWire, November 3, 2021).

The available information suggests that the family faced threats and intimidation from security agencies, along with a lack of judicial accountability and a fair investigation. Before the fortieth-day memorial, the Marvdasht Intelligence Office summoned the family and interrogated them about a social media page where they had shared photos of Mohammad. They asked, "Why do you have this page? Delete it. If you want your other child to be safe, go home and stay quiet. He’s dead now—it’s over. What are you still looking for?" (Radio Zamaneh, November 10, 2020). Mohammad’s mother recounted that during the summons, the Intelligence Office handed her husband a document claiming that "an unknown individual" had killed their son and warned they would not allow the memorial service unless he signed it. She also described an incident when security agents approached her while she was filming at Mohammad’s gravesite and threatened her. They said, “It’s over. He’s dead. Think about the ones you still have." They also pressured Mohammad’s uncle to persuade the family to stop seeking justice for his killing. (IranWire, November 3, 2021)

According to Mohammad’s mother, judicial officials at the Shiraz Military Court told the family: “We only determine whether they are guilty or innocent. If they’re found not guilty, they’ll just receive the blood money. There’s no such thing as declaring someone a martyr or anything like that for ordinary people” (BBC Persian, November 14, 2020). 

Administrators at Ferdowsi School allegedly threatened students not to discuss their classmate’s death. (IranWire, November 3, 2021; Radio Farhang, December 31, 2019). They stayed at the school until midnight on the day of the incident to delete security camera footage, pretending that Mohammad had not attended classes that day. (IranWire, November 3, 2021).

According to Mohammad’s mother, the judicial authorities handling the family’s case included accusations against her husband in the official court ruling. She said: "Interestingly, the verdict stated that my husband had no criminal record or links to opposition groups. However, it also mentioned that he had recently given an interview to Iran International, which was listed as a weakness in the official court document." (IranWire, November 3, 2021).

Agents from the Intelligence Office later prevented the family from holding an anniversary ceremony for Mohammad. They locked the cemetery gates, allowing only his mother, father, and sister to enter, thereby preventing all other relatives from visiting the gravesite. (IranWire, November 3, 2021).

Familys’ Reaction

According to Mohammad Dastankhah’s sister, the Criminal Investigation Department contacted the family on Thursday, November 21, 2019, and asked them to come to the office on Saturday, November 23, 2019. When they arrived, investigators asked basic questions about where Mohammad had been and how he had died. However, the family claims that no meaningful action has been taken in the case. (International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, December 10, 2019).

When officers from the Marvdasht Intelligence Office asked him to sign a statement saying their son had been killed by "an unknown individual," Mohammad’s father responded, "My son was not killed by an unknown person — you killed him yourselves." (IranWire, November 3, 2021).

Mohammad’s mother went to his school to criticize the lack of a banner or tribute in his honor, even though he had studied there for three years. She told the school officials, “You say you are responsible for him. I asked, ‘What responsibility?’ They said they had restrictions. I asked, ‘What restriction is there on one single flower?’ If a banner is restricted, then you could at least put up a single flower." (Radio Farhang, December 31, 2019).

The Dastankhah family refused offers of blood money and insisted on identifying and prosecuting those who shot their son. In an interview, Mohammad’s sister asked, "They tell us they will pay compensation. Will it bring my brother back? I want them to find my brother’s killer. He was only 15. How can Mr. Khamenei claim these recent riots were planned two years ago?" In another interview, she repeated that the family’s main request was to know why their son was killed, by whom, and how. “Is there really no one accountable? They just say, 'He’s dead; it’s over...'” (Radio Zamaneh, December 7, 2019; Radio Zamaneh, November 10, 2020).

At the end of a documentary about Mohammad's life and death, his mother addressed the public directly: "I only want my voice to be heard. What crime did my child commit? Curse the killers of Mohammad who took his life. I will neither forget nor forgive." (VOA Persian YouTube channel, November 10, 2021).

When IRGC officials offered an informal apology during a visit to the family home, Mr. Dastankhah replied: "What good is a private apology without formally accepting responsibility for what you did?" (IranWire, November 3, 2021).

Impacts on Family

According to available information, Mohammad Dastankhah’s death had a devastating impact on his family. Describing the pain she has endured since her son’s death, Mohammad’s mother said that the family’s suffering “remains as raw as ever.” She added, "Imagine a mother's grief ever easing. This pain will remain fresh until the end of time.” She recalled the moment when Mohammad’s blood-stained school bag, which a neighbor had taken home in the days following the killing, was finally returned to the family after a long time. When she opened it and saw the dried blood on his school papers, she broke down in tears. About two years after her son’s death, when asked about what her family had gone through, she answered with a single word: “Destruction.” She explained that none of the family members know exactly how Mohammad was killed, what he said in his final moments, or how much he suffered. She added, "It is our right to know who killed our loved one." Since the day of the incident, she has never been able to pass through the street where Mohammad was killed. She always takes detours to avoid the area because she cannot bear to look at it. She said she wishes no mother would ever lose her child. Still, she added that hearing children do homework, seeing teenagers play football in the alley, and watching Mohammad’s classmates grow taller constantly revives the pain of his absence and sets her heart ablaze. (IranWire, November 3, 2021)

Mohammad was very close to his mother and often helped her around the house. He dreamed of attending university to study mechanics and become an inventor. He built boats, took English classes, and loved innovation.

In an interview, Mohammad’s father emphasized that the tragedy had completely shattered their family life. He said that Mohammad’s mother had become nervous and anxious due to the psychological pressure, and that she now suffers from heart problems and must see doctors regularly. As for himself, he said he had lost the strength and motivation to work or live an ordinary life. "The absence of Mohammad is unbearable," he said. His absence weighs on us every single moment” (Radio Zamaneh, November 10, 2020). 

Mohammad’s older sister also spoke about the long-term effects of his death, saying that the family "has never been the same." She is reminded of her brother every time she sees a child walking down the street with a school bag in hand. When she sees teenage boys growing taller, she sorrowfully wonders how tall Mohammad would have been if he were alive. She asked, "I truly don't know what they did to these families. Don’t they feel even a bit of guilt?" She said that time had flown by, leaving behind "a hundred years of longing" for grieving families. (Radio Zamaneh, November 10, 2020).

On what would have been Mohammad’s 18th birthday, his brother shared an emotional message posted on the Bloody Aban Facebook page. Addressing Mohammad directly, he wrote that his absence had plunged the family into deep sorrow. "Brother, I'm going crazy without you. Happy 18th birthday in heaven.” He recalled how Mohammad had often said he would join the army when he turned 18, but now he is in the heavens. (Bloody Aban Facebook page, August 11, 2021).

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* Slogans included: “We are just tired,” “What a mistake we made with the revolution,” “Reza Shah, may your soul rest in peace,” ”Death to the dictator,” “We will get our rights, we will not accept indignity,” “How long should the money of Iranians go to Gaza and Lebanon’s pockets?,” and “We are people, not hooligans. Gas should be cheaper”
** Internet access for homes was partially restored in most provinces (except in Khuzestan and Sistan and Baluchestan) but citizens had no access to the world web through mobile phones until early December 2019. Phone services and national Internet, which can be more easily controlled by the state, allowed communications throughout this period.

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