Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

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One Person’s Story

Mas'ud Hashemzadeh

About

Age: 27
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: June 20, 2009
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Shademan Street, Azadi Square, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Unspecified weapon » targeting vital organs

About this Case

Mr. Hashemzadeh had a strong passion for the arts. He was a professional musician who played the santur and Harmonica. He was also talented in drawing and painting and had recently taken an interest in sculpture.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mr. Mas'ud Hashemzadeh, son of Fatemeh Mohseni, has been gathered from the BBC Persian website (July 21, 2009), the Mourning Mothers blog (July 21, 2009; June 20, 2010), Radio Farda (July 24, 2009), the Green blog (July 23, 2009), Rooz Online (July 23, 2009; October 22, 2009; June 20, 2010; September 25, 2011), and report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran (March 03, 2012).

Mr. Hashemzadeh was born on September 7, 1981, in Valiabad village, a district of Zibakenar in Mazandaran Province. He lived with his family in an apartment on North Zanjan Street in Tehran (Green Blog, July 23, 2009; Mourning Mothers Blog, July 21, 2009; Rooz Online, June 20, 2010).

Mr. Hashemzadeh received his high school diploma in experimental sciences. He had a deep passion for art. He played the santur and harmonica professionally and was skilled in drawing and painting. He also developed a keen interest in sculpture. According to his mother, he was calm, composed, hardworking, meticulous, and never gave up until he mastered whatever he set out to do. He spent much of his time at home reading, watching films, and playing music. His love for cinema was so profound that he amassed an extensive personal movie collection (Mourning Mothers blog, July 21, 2009).

Among his friends and acquaintances, Mas'ud was known for fearlessly sharing his opinions, being sensitive to injustice, and unable to stay silent in the face of wrongdoing. Whenever he saw something unfair, he didn't look away indifferently (Rooz Online, June 20, 2010).

Those close to him said that Mas'ud was not politically active. However, during the 2009 presidential election, something changed in him. Filled with hope for the future, he encouraged his family to vote and participate in shaping the country’s destiny. His mother recalled with emotion: "He only voted twice in his life—once for President Khatami and once for presidential candidate Mr. Musavi." He mobilized the whole family, saying, 'This time, we all have to vote.' My son cared deeply about the people and his country. He had become so hopeful. I had never seen Mas'ud this cheerful before” (Rooz Online, June 20, 2010).

2009 Election - Background

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.).

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested.

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction.

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them. 

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.”

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it.

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one. 

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture.

Mr. Mas’ud Hashemzadeh’s arbitrary execution

Mr. Mas'ud Hashemzadeh was killed on June 20, 2009, when government forces shot him after the announcement of the presidential election results.

Around 6:00 p.m., he left home to visit a friend on Shadman Street, informing his father of his plans. That same day, Shadman Street and the nearby areas around Azadi Square in Tehran became the sites of large protests by citizens opposing the election results (E'tebar-e Sabz, September 19, 2009).

An eyewitness who saw Mr. Hashemzadeh during the protest and later returned to the scene with his family described what he observed: "At the lower end of Shadman Street, many police officers faced the crowd, and clashes were happening." Other forces, dressed in camouflage, green uniforms, or plainclothes, were positioned nearby in the alleys. That’s where I met Mas'ud, and we spent about an hour together. We entered Mosta’anieh Street from Shadman and headed toward Zanjan Street. There were five or six of us. Mas'ud walked in the middle of the street while I walked a little ahead and to the side. About a hundred meters away, in the middle of the alley, several armed men in dark green uniforms were standing about a hundred meters away. One of them pointed his gun toward the ground and shot. Mas'ud shouted, “It’s blank! Don’t be afraid!” Immediately afterward, one of the men—a short, slightly heavy man—knelt down and fired directly at Mas'ud with what looked like a folding-stock Kalashnikov rifle. The bullet entered Mas'ud's chest from the front and exited his back. The entry and exit wounds were the same size, indicating that a military-grade firearm was used, probably more powerful than a Kalashnikov. Mas'ud fell backward onto the ground. Another soldier approached the shooter, patted him on the back, and asked, “What have you done?” Then, they hurriedly left down the alley leading off Mosta’anieh Street. I ran to Mas'ud’s side and, with others’ help, carried him to a nearby clinic. People were filming. On the way, after about two minutes, I saw his eyes roll back, and his body become heavy. The clinic was nearby, but by the time we arrived and the doctor came, Mas'ud was already gone. The bullet was fired from about 100 meters away with a military weapon” (Goljeh Blog, July 23, 2009, by Ali Shakurirad).

On that same day, Mas'ud’s younger brother left home to find him, worried about his safety. Near the Nosrat intersection on Shadman Street, he heard gunfire and saw a large crowd. He identified his brother’s body by his clothes, ring, and watch. Along with others, he helped transport the body to a clinic (BBC Persian, July 21, 2009).

The clinic doctor issued a death certificate stating that the cause of death was "a bullet wound to the heart resulting in lung perforation" (Rooz Online, June 20, 2010).

Fearing interference by security forces and the potential seizure of the body, the family waited for an ambulance but ultimately chose to transport the body themselves to Mas'ud’s hometown in northern Iran. His brother and a family friend drove through the night in a private car, carrying the body to Valiabad village in the Khoshkebijar district of Gilan Province (BBC Persian, July 21, 2009; Mourning Mothers blog, July 21, 2009).

At dawn on June 21, the family arrived at the Valiabad village mosque to prepare for the washing and burial when security agents stormed the site. They arrested Mas'ud’s brother and the driver and took the body to the Rasht Forensic Medicine Organization.

The family could only retrieve Mas'ud’s body from the Rasht Forensic Office after signing a written pledge not to hold a public memorial and to allow no more than five people at the burial. They also had to agree to hold the funeral quietly around 1:00 p.m. that day. The forensic report again listed the cause of death as "a bullet wound to the heart and lung perforation" (Rooz Online, June 20, 2010).

Due to pressure from security forces, the Hashemzadeh family held the burial with only a few close relatives present, and one of their sons remained in custody. The ceremony took place at the Aqa Seyed Shafi Shrine in Valiabad village (BBC Persian, July 21, 2009; Mourning Mothers blog, June 20, 2010; Rooz Online, June 20, 2010).

On June 20, 2010, the first anniversary of Mas'ud Hashemzadeh’s death, a group of Mourning Mothers from Tehran, Rasht, and Kermanshah gathered at his grave. Among them were the mother of Sohrab Arabi and other bereaved families (Mourning Mothers blog, June 20, 2010).

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms. 

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible: a) Warning shots; b) Shots aimed at the lower body; c) Shots aimed at the upper body. (Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

Note 1:If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary". 

Officials’ Reaction

After Mas'ud Hashemzadeh’s body was transferred to the Rasht Forensic Medicine Organization, security agents required his family to sign a written pledge. The pledge stated that the burial could have no more than five attendees, that they could not cry loudly, and that no memorial service could be held for the deceased. After the burial, the security agents removed mourning posters displayed throughout the village. They also prevented relatives and friends from visiting the Hashemzadeh home to offer condolences. The agents pressured the family to leave the village and return to Tehran immediately (Mourning Mothers blog, July 21, 2009; Rooz Online, October 22, 2009).

On July 23, 2009, around 2:00 p.m., several plainclothes agents, accompanied by a police officer, raided the Hashemzadeh family’s home in Tehran without showing a warrant. Objecting to the black mourning drapes and Mas'ud’s photographs displayed above the entrance, the agents tore down all signs of mourning, including pictures, fabrics, and condolence banners. They also arrested Mr. Hashemzadeh’s father during the raid and took him to the Criminal Investigation Department on Gisha Street. Mas'ud’s mother, Mrs. Mohseni, described the incident: "The agents said we had to remove the black drapes and the photos. We refused, so they tore everything down themselves and arrested me and Mas'ud’s father. They said, ‘Young people see these and become angry.’ Then, they took our national ID cards and released us. They returned our IDs two months later” (Green Blog, July 23, 2009; Rooz Online, September 25, 2011).

In September 2009, the Criminal Investigation Police summoned Mas'ud Hashemzadeh’s family, claiming they wanted to follow up on the murder case. However, when they arrived, the family members were interrogated and told that relocating the body to northern Iran was inappropriate. The judicial authorities initially refused to accept the family’s complaint and did not recognize their lawyer. Despite the family’s persistence, the court simply offered them blood money. The court explicitly stated that if the family rejected the offer, the case would remain uninvestigated and unresolved (Rooz Online, June 20, 2010).

In both 2010 and 2011, about a month before the anniversary of Mr. Hashemzadeh’s death, security forces contacted the family to warn them that they were "not allowed to hold any kind of memorial." Despite these threats, in June 2011, the family and a group of Mas'ud’s friends gathered at his gravesite. Security agents showed up, creating a tense, police-controlled atmosphere, and restricted the ceremony (Rooz Online, September 25, 2011; Rooz Online, June 20, 2010).

Familys’ Reaction

After a period of silence, Mr. Hashemzadeh’s family decided to share details about what happened to their son with the media. One month after Mas'ud’s death, his mother spoke with the Mourning Mothers blog. She said: "At first, I was very scared and didn't say anything because my other son, Milad, and his friend had been arrested too, and we were under a lot of pressure. They even told us not to cry loudly at Mas'ud’s grave. But now I think, why should I stay silent? Why shouldn’t I talk about my son?" (Mourning Mothers Blog, July 21, 2009).

In 2009, the Hashemzadeh family filed a formal complaint, demanding an investigation into their son’s death and identification of the perpetrator. During the first court session, Mas'ud’s parents rejected the offer of blood money, insisting that justice be served and the perpetrator be identified. They declared: "We want to see the killer and ask, 'What crime did they commit to kill our child? What did our children want?” After the family rejected the offer, however, the case was left dormant without any judicial follow-up. Two years later, Mas'ud’s mother, who kept pursuing the case, said there was enough evidence to identify the shooter. "In my son’s case, the killer’s identity is known, and witnesses have identified him. They could easily name him if they wanted to, but they don’t. They just want to close the case with blood money. On top of that, they deny our children ever existed." She also recalled asking the judge in frustration about the authorities’ inaction: "If it were your own child—or your nephew—would you still tell me to just accept the blood money?" She vowed to keep fighting even if the Iranian judiciary did not respond. "If I don't get answers here, I will take my plea to the United Nations. I will ask international organizations and the UN to listen to us and not forget the blood of our young people" (Rooz Online, October 22, 2009; September 25, 2011). 

His mother said, "We want to confront the killer and ask, 'What crime did they commit to take our child's life?' What did our children want?"

In response to the official denial of those killed during the 2009 post-election protests, Mas'ud’s mother stated, "Mas'ud was not a Basij member, a supporter of Ahmadinejad, or a rioter. He, Sohrab, Kianush—two other victims of the 2009 protests—and all our children were seeking freedom. They didn’t want much. They were killed after the election, and yet the authorities have no answers. Every time they speak, their lies break our hearts. They refuse to respond to us and claim that only one person was killed or that they were all Basij members” (Rooz Online, September 25, 2011).

When Mr. Hashemzadeh’s family, along with the families of six other protesters killed during the demonstrations, faced a lack of judicial follow-up inside Iran, they submitted a complaint to international bodies. In 2011, after Ahmed Shaheed was appointed as the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran, these families sent letters and gave interviews asking him to help identify those responsible for the deaths of their loved ones. In March 2012, Ahmed Shaheed responded to their request by including the names of these victims in his first report and called on the authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran to provide answers regarding their cases. (Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, March 03, 2012).

Impacts on Family

The Hashemzadeh family lived in Tehran before their son’s death. Three months after his killing, however, they moved to a village near his gravesite. His mother explained, “I cannot be away from my son or his resting place. Mas'ud’s father works in Tehran and comes on Thursdays, returning on Fridays” (Rooz Online, June 20, 2010).

The grief of losing their son gradually overwhelmed Mas'ud’s father as well. According to his wife, after Mas'ud was killed, he could no longer bear the pain and withdrew from daily life. He lived with illness for a year. When the authorities banned them from holding the anniversary ceremony and the pressure increased, he developed severe pain in his side. Doctors diagnosed him with cancer. He underwent several sessions of chemotherapy, but he no longer had the strength to fight. He often said: "I ask nothing from God—only that He sees the injustice done to us and our children." While watching television one day, he heard the head of the judiciary claim that "only one person had been killed." In deep sorrow, he said: "What about all our young people? What happened to our children?" His wife recalled: "He was shattered. You can’t imagine how hard it is for parents to hear such words. It destroys them from within. He grieved so much that he became ill and stayed home for a year before passing away. But I am still here, standing, and I demand answers” (Rooz Online, September 25, 2011).

After two years of silence, grief, and unrelenting pressure, Mas'ud Hashemzadeh’s father died on September 13, 2011. He took his last wish—to see the trial of his son’s killers—with him to the grave. His body was laid to rest beside Mas'ud's grave. (Rooz Online, September 25, 2011).

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