Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Mas’ud Khosravi Mohammad Dust

About

Age: 45
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Married

Case

Date of Killing: June 15, 2009
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Azadi Street, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm » targeting vital organs

About this Case

A dedicated Taxi Organization employee and loving father, he left home only to buy medicine — but never came back. During the violent chaos of the security forces’ crackdown, a single bullet ended his life, leaving his family in lasting shock and grief.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mas'ud Khosravi Mohammad Dust was obtained from Fars News Agency (June 30, 2009) and the Support Committee for the Families of Victims and Detainees (February 4, 2010). Additional details were gathered from various media outlets, including Green Path of Hope–Jaras (July 14, 2010; January 11, 2012), Radio Farda (February 22, 2014), Nedaye Sabz–e Azadi (January 28, 2011), Rooz Online (September 27, 2010), Parcham (October 3, 2009), and the HRANA News Agency (July 21 and 28, 2009).

Mr. Khosravi Mohammad Dust, a 45-year-old employee of the Taxi Organization, was married and had a 17-year-old son. He was originally from Tehran but lived in Shahriar. (Fars News Agency, June 30, 2009)

On Saturday evening, June 20, 2009, after finishing work at the Taxi Organization, he went to a pharmacy on Yadegar-e Emam Street in Tehran to buy medicine (Support Committee for the Families of Victims and Detainees, February 4, 2010). Demonstrations protesting the election results were taking place in the area that day, and the overall atmosphere was marked by post-election unrest and tension.

According to his wife, in interviews with various media outlets, Mr. Khosravi Mohammad Dust was “a man of justice, honesty, compassion, discretion, and kindness, who always took the initiative to help others.” (Jaras, July 14, 2010; Nedaye Sabz-e Azadi, January 28, 2011).

Background on the 2009 Election 

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.).

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested.

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction.

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them. 

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.”

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it.

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one. 

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture.

Mr. Mas’ud Khosravi Mohammad Dust’s arbitrary execution

According to available information, Mr. Mas'ud Khosravi Mohammad Dust was shot and killed during the nationwide protests following Iran’s 2009 presidential election (Fars News Agency, June 30, 2009; HRANA, July 21 and July 28, 2009; Support Committee for the Families of Victims and Detainees, February 4, 2010; Green Path of Hope – Jaras, January 11, 2012; Nedaye Sabz-e Azadi, January 28, 2011; Radio Farda, February 22, 2014).

Various reports give different details about the exact time and place of his death. According to HRANA, he was shot and killed on June 15, 2009, near Azadi Square, at the entrance to the Mohammad Ali Jenah Expressway by members of the Meqdad Basij Resistance Base (HRANA, July 21 and 28, 2009).

According to available information, Mr. Khosravi Mohammad Dust was shot from behind amid the protest crowds after leaving his workplace and stopping at a pharmacy on Yadegar-e Emam Street in Tehran to buy medicine (Support Committee for the Families of Victims and Detainees, February 4, 2010).

According to his wife, the killing happened on June 15, 2009, in a crowded area. Shopkeepers and local residents saw a man in plain clothes shooting at protesters from inside the Special Units. Mr. Khosravi was hit in the face. Despite the eyewitness accounts, the shooter was never identified. Because of the tense security situation, none of the witnesses were willing to give official testimony (Green Path of Hope – Jaras, January 11, 2012). His wife said he was supposed to come home after work as usual, but there was no sign of him that evening. The family's repeated phone calls went unanswered due to disruptions in the mobile network. The next day, they visited several hospitals until they were informed that a man matching his description had been transferred to the Forensic Medicine Organization (Green Path of Hope – Jaras, July 14, 2010; Radio Farda, February 22, 2014).

A witness to the shooting used Mr. Khosravi’s phone to call his family and inform them of his death. The witness then handed the phone to one of the victim’s relatives before leaving the scene. The family's attempts to locate this individual were unsuccessful (Nedaye Sabz-e Azadi, January 28, 2011).

Mr. Khosravi’s 17-year-old son personally identified his father’s body despite others' attempts to stop him. According to his mother, he wanted to protect her and refused to let anyone else take his place. At the Forensic Medicine Organization, he identified his father in photographs (Green Path of Hope – Jaras, July 14, 2010).

After confirmation of his death, relatives and friends gradually informed his wife. She later saw a photograph of his body and noted that "the bullet had struck the right side of his face and exited through the back of his head" (Radio Farda, February 22, 2014; Green Path of Hope–Jaras, July 14, 2010).

Three days later, Mr. Khosravi’s body was returned to his family and buried in Behesht-e Zahra Cemetery in Tehran (HRANA, July 21, 2009; Green Path of Hope–Jaras, July 14, 2010; Nedaye Sabz–Azadi, January 28, 2010).

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms.

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible: a) Warning shots; b) Shots aimed at the lower body; c) Shots aimed at the upper body. (Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

Note 1:If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Officials’ Reaction

On June 30, 2009, Fars News Agency, affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), published a report identifying Mas'ud Khosravi Mohammad Dust as a member of the Basij militia. The report claimed that he had been shot by unknown individuals at Azadi Square on June 15, 2009.

In a separate report also dated June 30, 2009, Fars News Agency stated that Mr. Khosravi’s family had filed a complaint against the organizers of the 2009 protests, specifically naming Mir Hossein Musavi, a presidential candidate who contested the election results. (Fars News Agency, June 30, 2009).

However, this claim conflicted with the family’s account. Like many families of those killed during the 2009 protests, Mr. Khosravi’s relatives tirelessly sought justice and demanded that those responsible for his death be identified. Their efforts, however, were unsuccessful, and judicial authorities simply stated that “the shooter has not been identified” (Green Path of Hope – Jaras, January 11, 2012).

Security and judicial authorities also denied the family’s attorney's request to access CCTV footage from the area where the shooting occurred. They refused to provide any video or photographic evidence related to the moment of his death (Radio Farda, February 22, 2014).

Familys’ Reaction

Following Mr. Khosravi’s murder, his family promptly filed an official complaint to identify the person responsible for the shooting and hired an attorney to pursue the case through legal means. At their lawyer’s advice, they initially refrained from speaking to the media to allow the investigation to proceed through formal judicial processes (Green Path of Hope – Jaras, July 14, 2010; Radio Farda, February 22, 2014).

In a later interview with Radio Farda, Mr. Khosravi’s wife highlighted: “Even if my husband was among the protesters, under what legal basis could they shoot him?” She also questioned why the police and security agencies couldn’t—or wouldn’t—identify the shooter or give the family the CCTV footage, despite the widespread presence of surveillance cameras all over the city (Radio Farda, February 22, 2014).

As part of her ongoing efforts, Mr. Khosravi’s wife appealed to an eyewitness present at the time of the shooting, asking them to contact her with any information about the incident. She tried to reach the individual through YouTube, but her efforts were unsuccessful (Nedaye Sabz-e Azadi, January 28, 2011).

In an interview with Rooz Online, the family’s attorney explained that they had not filed a complaint against any specific individual or institution, but rather against the killing itself. He stated that "the range of suspects is broad, and the possible involvement of military forces cannot be ruled out." Despite persistent follow-ups, he confirmed that no results had been achieved so far (Rooz Online, September 27, 2010).

Impacts on Family

The killing of Mas'ud Khosravi Mohammad Dust deeply affected his family. His wife remembered, "Honestly, my son, my husband’s family, and I were not doing well at all. We can hardly remember what happened to us during those days" (Radio Farda, February 22, 2014).

His wife: "My son and I never found any clues about his killer. Even after all these years, we still ask people, Did anyone see the moment he fell?"

Mr. Khosravi’s death had a severely harsh psychological impact on his teenage son. According to his mother, he lost the ability to focus on his studies for an extended period and would say, “I don’t want to go to school. Why should I go? Just let me be. I only want to think about my father. Don’t take that away from me. I can’t stop thinking about him.” As he grew older and understood more about the circumstances of his father’s death, he tried to comfort his mother. He said that if his father had died in an accident, the grief would have been harder to bear. However, he added that "the way my father was killed—and the fact that people call him a martyr—should bring us some peace" (Green Path of Hope – Jaras, July 14, 2010).

Mrs. Khosravi endured an extremely tough time. Having to take on both mother and father roles for their son after her husband's death placed a huge emotional strain on her. She often dreams about the moment her husband was shot and killed. She described a deep, ongoing sense of uncertainty that still haunts her family even after years: "I wish someone would come forward and tell me if they saw my husband when he was shot and fell to the ground. My son and I found no trace of his killer. Even now, after all these years, we still ask people if anyone witnessed that moment” (Green Path of Hope – Jaras, July 14, 2010).

Despite her deep grief, Mr. Khosravi’s wife found comfort and purpose in working with a charity that helps orphaned children. She also works to be a positive role model for her son. (Nedaye Sabz-e Azadi, January 28, 2011).

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