Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Ramin Ramazani

About

Age: 22
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Unknown

Case

Date of Killing: June 15, 2009
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm » targeting vital organs

About this Case

Ramin Ramezani was on medical leave from military service when he joined the protests and lost his life.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mr. Ramin Ramezani, son of Mehdi and Zahra, was gathered from Iran Khabar Agency (June 28, 2009), Ebtekare Sabz (August 11, 2009), Rooz Online (April 6, September 26, November 27, 2010, and January 11, 2011), Association in Support of the Families of Victims (January 31, February 1, and March 18, 2010), Iran Press News (January 28, 2010), Agh Bahman blog (January 11, 2010), Where Is My Vote (March 27 and 30, 2010), Green Path of Hope (November 28, 2010), and Reporters Without Borders (March 17, 2013).

Ramin Ramezani was born on June 21, 1987 in Tehran. He finished secondary school with a focus on computer studies and, after receiving his diploma, worked for a time in a computer-hardware shop. He was an artist who painted, even as he prepared for compulsory military service. Although he was reluctant to serve, he decided to do so on his family’s advice to keep better job opportunities open. He completed Air Force basic training at a Semnan garrison and was then posted to Zahedan. There, he served for nearly seven months near the Zabol border as a second sergeant in air defense unit. (Association in Support of Families of the Dead and Detainees, February 2, 2010, and June 22, 2010; Masoumeh Ebtekar’s blog, August 11, 2009)

His family remembers him as calm, composed, and responsible. His father said, “If he weighed fifty kilos, he had fifty kilos of courage. Of all my children, Ramin was different—principled and full of passion, someone who couldn’t remain indifferent to what was happening in society.”(Where Is My Vote, March 27, 2010; Association in Support of Families of the Dead and Detainees, June 22, 2010; Rooz Online, April 6, 2010; CNN, March 18, 2010)

During the post-presidential election unrest in 2009, Ramin was on medical leave from his military service. His family noted that although he was not politically active, his sense of justice drew him to participate in protests against the election results. (Green Path of Hope, November 28, 2010)

"Ramin voted for Mr. Musavi," his mother recalled. “He wasn’t involved in politics, but he cared about what was right. He went into the streets to defend his vote and stood with the people. He always insisted that we are Iranian and must not depend on foreigners.”(Association in Support of Families of the Dead and Detainees, June 22, 2010)

On June 15, 2009, around noon, as the demonstrations were gaining momentum, he left home to visit his sister near Sadeghiyeh Square. Unlike his usual farewells, he told his father something the family would never forget: "If you don't see me again—goodbye." At around 7:30 p.m., he called his mother to say he was on his way home. It was the last time they heard his voice. (Rooz Online, April 6, 2010)

2009 Election - Background

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.).

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested.

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction.

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them. 

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.”

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it. 

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one. 

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture.

Mr. Ramin Ramezani’s arbitrary execution

According to available information, Mr. Ramazani was killed by security forces' gunfire on June 15, 2009, during protest demonstrations on Jenah Street in Tehran.

That evening, around 8 p.m., he was near a Basij base at the beginning of Jenah Street, en route to Azadi Square. Clashes in the area intensified, and Basij forces opened fire on the crowd. A bullet to the chest struck Mr. Ramazani while he was among the protesters. The bullet entered below his right chest and exited through the lower left side of his back, causing severe trauma to his lungs and kidneys. He died en route to Shariati Hospital. (Rooz Online, April 6, 2010).

When Mr. Ramazani did not return home, his family began searching for him. They repeatedly called his mobile phone, which went unanswered until June 16, 2009, when an unidentified individual answered and claimed to have found the phone in Azadi Square. That same night at 8:30 p.m., the caller again contacted the Ramazani household, described Ramin’s clothing, and instructed the family to go to Baqiyatallah Hospital to retrieve the body immediately. The caller also warned them not to acknowledge him if they saw or heard him at the hospital, adding: "If you do not get hold of your son’s body tonight, you never will." (Rooz Online, April 6, 2010).

At midnight, the family went to Baqiyatallah Hospital, but hospital officials denied the existence of such a body and referred them to other institutions. (Rooz Online, April 6, 2010).

Over the next few days, the family visited the Ministry of Interior, the Prosecutor’s Office, Evin Prison, police stations, and various intelligence branches. On June 19, 2009, in response to the family’s inquiries, Evin Prison officials advised them to file a missing person report with the Revolutionary Court. After filing the complaint at the Revolutionary Court in Tehran, the family was referred to their local police station, where they filed a missing person report. They were told to return the following day. Upon returning to the station on June 20, 2009, they were referred to the Khavaran Police Intelligence Branch No. 6. (Rooz Online, April 6, 2010).

On June 21, 2009, at Branch No. 6, the family identified Ramin’s body in a photograph among pictures of unidentified deceased individuals. They were also shown a photo of the gunshot wound. Subsequently, the authorities issued a permit for the family to go to the Forensic Medicine Organization in Kahrizak. On June 22, 2009, the family received Ramin’s body, which had been frozen and showed signs of an autopsy. (Rooz Online, April 6, 2010).

According to Ramin Ramazani’s father, officials from the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) took custody of his son’s body immediately after his death was confirmed at the hospital on June 15. They kept the body in “meat containers” for three days. During this time, no institution formally notified the family of Ramin’s death. His father recalled: "He had been shot below the right chest, and the exit wound was on the lower left side of his back. His lungs and kidneys were completely destroyed” (Association in Support of Families of the Dead and Detainees, February 1, 2010).

Due to restrictions imposed by security officials, the Ramazani family was not allowed to hold a funeral in their neighborhood. Ramin’s father was compelled to sign a pledge ensuring that the burial would be conducted quietly. Consequently, the body was taken directly to Behesht-e Zahra Cemetery without passing through the family home. On June 23, 2009, it was buried in Section 257, Row 46. Mr. Ramazani’s grave lies near the grave of Neda Agha Soltan, another victim of the same protests. (Rooz Online, April 6, 2010).

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms. 

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible: a) Warning shots; b) Shots aimed at the lower body; c) Shots aimed at the upper body. (Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

Note 1:If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Officials’ Reaction

Security officials pressured Mr. Ramazani’s father to sign a written pledge that his son’s funeral would be held in complete silence and without any "disturbances," and that the family would not publicize the circumstances of his death. They also threatened him, saying: "Creating unrest will not be good for your future or that of your children" (Rooz Online, April 6, 2010; CNN, March 18, 2010).

Mr. Sufi, one of Mr. Ramazani’s commanders during his military service, tried to have him declared a martyr because he died while serving. Approximately five months after his death, representatives of the Martyrs Foundation repeatedly contacted the family and even visited their home. However, the family refused the offer. (Where Is My Vote?, March 27, 2010; Rooz Online, April 6, 2010).

On October 9, 2010, in response to the family’s inquiries about identifying their son’s killer, judicial officials told them: “We cannot find the perpetrator." (Association in Support of Families of the Dead and Detainees, June 22, 2010).

On December 5, 2010, security forces arrested Mr. Ramazani’s father at Behesht-e Zahra Cemetery. They transferred him to the Shahr-e Rey Prosecutor’s Office, where a detention order was issued. He was arrested while visiting the grave of Amir Arshad Tajmir, another victim of the 2009 protests, on the anniversary of his death, alongside his wife and a group of grieving mothers. After 36 days, he was temporarily released on January 10, 2011, upon posting bail of two billion rials (approximately $200,000 USD at the time). (Rooz Online, January 11, 2011).

During the arrest, security agents physically assaulted Mr. Ramazani’s mother when she protested her husband’s detention. She told the officers that if her husband was not released, they should take her too. The agents punched her in the stomach and threatened her, saying: "We will beat you and crush you." (Rooz Online, December 7, 2010).

Following Mr. Ramazani’s father’s arrest, security forces raided the family’s home without a warrant. During the search, they confiscated a laptop and several CDs belonging to Ramin’s younger brother. (Rooz Online, December 7, 2010).

Branch 28 of the Revolutionary Court of Tehran, presided over by Judge Moqiseh, sentenced Mr. Ramazani’s father to three years in prison. This sentence was upheld on appeal, and he was notified that he must turn himself in to Evin Prison on April 8, 2013, to begin serving his sentence. (Human Rights Reporters Committee, March 17, 2013).

Familys’ Reaction

Nine months after his death, Ramin Ramazani’s parents spoke with an international news agency for the first time. During the interview, his father said: "After nine months, we still don't know who killed Ramin. Enough is enough. Nothing worse can happen to us than what has already happened. My son was completely innocent and defenseless when he was killed. We want to know who killed him and why” (CNN, March 18, 2010).

In the days following their son’s death, Mr. Ramazani’s father went to the office of then-President Mahmud Ahmadinejad. According to the family, he was prevented from entering and was told that Ahmadinejad did not have time. After repeated attempts, nearly a month later, just before the fortieth-day memorial for Ramin, he managed to meet with Safar Ali Baratlu, the deputy for social and security affairs of Tehran province at the time. In an interview with Green Path of Hope, Ramin’s father recounted: "Baratlu said that on that day, they were forced to issue the order to fire. He explained that, at first, the forces in the square were ordered to disperse the crowd for 40 minutes using plastic and blank bullets. But when they saw it had no effect, they issued the order to open fire." Ramin’s father told Baratlu: “So you are one of those responsible for my son’s death and gave the order to fire? How could you do such a thing?” Baratlu replied, "I did my duty." (Green Path of Hope, November 28, 2010).

On October 9, 2010, when judicial officials told the family, "We cannot find the killer," Ramin's father responded, "Of course you can't find the killer. I know who killed my son. His killer is the one who ordered the shots fired at him. I know my son’s killer. He must be punished." He stressed: "The authorities cannot and will not put our children’s murderers on trial. Have any of the murderers of the Green Movement martyrs ever been prosecuted, so why should my son’s killer be any different?” (Association in Support of Families of the Dead and Detainees, June 22, 2010).

On June 21, 2010, the first anniversary of Ramin’s birth, his family visited his grave in Behesht-e Zahra Cemetery with a group of grieving families’ supporters, despite restrictions imposed by security forces. They laid a wreath on his grave to honor his memory. (Association in Support of Families of the Dead and Detainees, June 22, 2010).

In separate interviews, Ramin’s parents expressed anger and despair over the injustice of the investigation into their son’s killing. His father rejected the provincial authorities' offer of compensation, calling it insulting: "My 22-year-old son was serving this country in Zabol, and now, instead of justice, they propose compensation?" He also criticized the authorities for their irresponsibility in identifying the killer, noting that no one has accepted responsibility. (Association in Support of Families of the Dead and Detainees, June 22, 2010).

His mother insisted on pursuing the case and demanded that the perpetrators and those who ordered the killing be punished. She said: "Everyone denies it, as if the bullet came from the sky! Every time we go, they do not answer." Referring to the peaceful nature of the protests, she said that the people were unarmed, yet regime forces opened fire on them. She expressed hope that the truth would soon be revealed. (Rooz Online, April 6, 2010).

In response to the Martyrs Foundation’s efforts to recognize her son as a martyr, Ramin’s mother said, "I absolutely do not want the Martyrs Foundation to declare my son a martyr, especially not a Basij member." She added, "I consider my son a true martyr because he was killed defending his rights. Although he was not familiar with politics, he loved Iran and always emphasized that we are Iranians and must not depend on foreigners. He wanted his right to vote. Therefore, he is a martyr” (Where Is My Vote?, March 30, 2010). (Where Is My Vote?, March 30, 2010).

For months, the Ramazani family was pressured by the Martyrs Foundation to accept the title of "martyr" for their son. Eventually, they agreed under the condition that their other son would be exempted from military service after consulting with Mir Hossein Musavi and Mehdi Karrubi. They emphasized that Ramin was merely a conscripted soldier and not a Basij member, so he should not be introduced as Basij. (Where Is My Vote?, March 30, 2010).

In an interview with Rooz Online, Ramin’s mother strongly criticized then-President Mahmud Ahmadinejad's remarks calling the protests "sedition." She said: "Ahmadinejad thinks the whole world will be deceived by his words, but he is mistaken. Everyone knows what really happened." She emphasized that Ramin was killed on June 15 on Azadi Street, where the armed forces—including the Basij, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and the Army—were armed, while the protesters were unarmed. She added, "The truth will not be hidden by repeating lies" (Rooz Online, September 26, 2010).

Impacts on Family

Nine months after her son’s death in March 2010, Ramin Ramazani’s mother said: "I cannot bring myself to perform the Nowruz rituals. I don't feel the holiday at all. I have lost my will to live, but what can be done?” She also said that she visits Behesht-e Zahra every week. Before going to her son’s grave, she pays her respects at the graves of other victims of the Green Movement. Zahra Ramazani said: “Before I go to Ramin, I first visit the other children: Sohrab, Neda, Ashkan, and Mr. Isnad, who was killed by baton blows. Then, I come to Ramin and speak with him for hours. In these nine months, I have not once been upset for myself. I constantly think of Ramin and the other martyrs of the Green Movement. Is it right that the pursuit of exercising a right and casting a vote should result in the loss of our young people's lives in this way?" (Where Is My Vote?, March 27, 2010).

His father recalled, "If he weighed 50 kilos, all of it was courage. Of all my children, Ramin was different. He was principled and passionate—someone who could never remain silent about the struggles of society.”

Months after their son Ramin’s death, his parents continued to wear black, cover their home with his photographs, and spend most days beside his grave at Behesht-e Zahra cemetery. According to the family, they knew of no other place that brought them solace. (Green Path of Hope, November 28, 2010).

In an interview published by CNN in March 2010, Ramin’s mother said: “I miss him terribly—his pursuit of justice, his humanity, and how much he loved Iran.” She added, "I wish he would come to me in a dream once, so I could tell him what happened to us and ask why we must live the rest of our lives in pain and why we had to lose him." (CNN, March 18, 2010).

On February 12, 2013, after her husband was sentenced to imprisonment, Ramin’s mother had a heart attack. She lapsed into a coma and passed away about one month later. (Human Rights Reporters Committee, March 17, 2013).

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