Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
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One Person’s Story

Sha`ban (Mohsen) Mohammadi Kuchaksara`i

About

Age: 37
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Married

Case

Date of Killing: September 21, 2022
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Qae'mshahr, Mazandaran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Unspecified weapon » targeting vital organs

About this Case

Mohsen had a deep sense of patriotism. He dreamed of celebrating Nowruz beside the tomb of Cyrus the Great.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mr. Sha‘ban (Mohsen) Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i was obtained from an interview with a family acquaintance conducted by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC) on April 10, 2023. Additional information was taken from reports published by BBC Persian on October 2, 2023; Radio Zamaneh on September 30, 2022; IranWire on November 14, 2022 and September 25, 2024; and two videos published on the Channel Jadid website on September 21, 2023 and 2024.

According to the available information, Mr. Mohsen Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i was born on May 7, 1985, and lived in Qaemshahr. He was the second of five children, was married, and was the father of two sons, aged five and eleven.

He was a building electrician and master craftsman who dedicated himself day and night to his clients, despite having several apprentices. He often worked for free for low-income families and paid for their equipment and medicine himself. (BBC Persian, October 2, 2023; ABC interview, April 10, 2023).

Mr. Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i was described as a kind, social, and active person. He loved nature and enjoyed football and volleyball. He was a devoted fan of Esteghlal FC and Nassaji Mazandaran FC. He was always present at picnics and outings with family and friends. He often said: "No one has seen tomorrow; we must live in the moment." (ABC interview, April 10, 2023).

He was deeply interested in ancient Iranian culture. He dreamed of celebrating Nowruz beside the tomb of Cyrus the Great. On one occasion, when he found the entrance blocked by security agents, he angrily protested. "Mohsen was very sensitive about such issues and always carried a strong sense of patriotism." (ABC interview, April 10, 2023).

He candidly spoke out about those killed in the protests. A few days after Mahsa (Jina) Amini's death, he told his family: "Mahsa Amini also had parents, and this happened to all of them. Must we lose a loved one before we realize what is happening?" (ABC interview, April 10, 2023).

On Wednesday, September 21, 2022, Mr. Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i participated in nationwide protests in Qaemshahr, Mazandaran Province.

2022 (Mahsa Amini) Protest background

Nationwide protests were sparked by the death in custody of 22-year old Kurdish woman Jina (Mahsa) Amini on September 16, 2022. Amini had been arrested by the morality police in Tehran for improper veiling on September 13 and sent brain dead to the hospital. The news of her death triggered protests, which started with a widespread expression of outrage on social media and the gathering of a large crowd in front of the hospital,continued in the city of Saqqez (Kordestan Province), where Mahsa was buried. Popular exasperation over the morality patrols and the veil in general, aggravated by misleading statements of the authorities regarding the cause of Mahsa’s death and the impunity generally granted to state agents for the violence used against detainees led to months of nationwide protests. Initially led by young girls and women who burned their veils, and youth in general, protesters adopted the slogan “Women, Life, Freedom,” chanted during Amini’s burial. The protest rapidly took on a clear anti-regime tone, with protesters calling for an end to the Islamic Republic. 

The scope and duration of the protest was unprecedented. State efforts to withdraw the morality police from the streets and preventative arrests of journalists and political and civil society activists did not stop the protests. By the end of December 2022, protests had taken place in about 164 cities and towns, including localities that had never witnessed protests. Close to 150 universities, high schools, businesses, and groups including oil workers, merchants of the Tehran bazaar (among others), teachers, lawyers (at least 49 of whom had been arrested as of February 1st, 2023), artists, athletes, and even doctors joined these protests in various forms. Despite the violent crackdown and mass arrests, intense protests continued for weeks, at least through November 2022, with reports of sporadic activity continuing through the beginning of 2023.

The State’s crackdown was swift and accompanied by intermittent landline and cellular internet network shutdowns, as well as threats against and arrests of victims’ family members, factors which posed a serious challenge to monitoring protests and documenting casualties. The security forces used illegal, excessive, and lethal force with handguns, shotguns, and military assault rifles against protesters. They often targeted protesters’ heads and chests, shot them at close range, and in the back. Security forces have targeted faces with pellets, causing hundreds of protesters to lose their eyesight, and according to some reports women’s genitalia.

Since the start of the nationwide protests, and particularly after reports in late September 2022 that a police commander in Rask had raped a 15-year-old Baloch girl, Sistan and Baluchestan Province became the scene of deadly demonstrations. Unlike in other provinces, security forces in Balochistan relied exclusively on live ammunition.

On September 30, 2022 (Zahedan’s Bloody Friday), worshippers at Makki Mosque demanded a transparent investigation into the sexual assault and accountability from officials. A small group of them marched toward Police Station No. 16 while chanting protest slogans, where they were met with direct gunfire from security forces and plainclothes agents. Armed forces even fired into the mosque itself. At least 97 people were killed in Zahedan that day. In the aftermath, cities across Balochistan, including Khash, Saravan, and Rask, witnessed further protest gatherings.

On November 4, 2022 (Khash’s Bloody Friday), security forces again responded with extreme violence. After Friday prayers, they opened fire with live ammunition on protesters and even bystanders. At least 18 people, including two children, were killed and many others were wounded.

The Zahedan protests continued every Friday for months. Under pressure, the Armed Forces Judiciary eventually indicted 11 members of the security forces on charges of “fatal and injurious shootings” and 15 others on charges of “abuse of authority and unlawful use of firearms.” The closed-door proceedings ended, after two years, with only a handful of low-ranking officers sentenced to ten years in prison. Families of the victims were offered blood money. None of the commanders or senior officials responsible for the massacre were prosecuted.

 By February 1, 2023, the Human Rights Activists News Agency reported the number of recorded protests to be 1,262. The death toll, including protesters and passersby, stood at 527, of whom 71 were children. The number of arrests (including of wounded protesters) was estimated at a minimum at 22,000 , of whom 766 had already been tried and convicted. More than 100 protesters were at risk of capital punishment, and four had been executed in December 2022 and January 2023 without minimum standards of due process. Authorities also claimed 70 casualties among state forces, though there are consistent reports from families of killed protesters indicating authorities have pressured them or offered them rewards to falsely register their loved ones as such. Protesters, human rights groups, and the media have reported cases of beatings, torture (including to coerce confessions), and sexual assaults. Detainees have no access to lawyers during interrogations and their confessions are used in courts as evidence.

Public support and international solidarity with protesters have also been unprecedented (the use of the hashtag #MahsaAmini in Farsi and English broke world records) and on November 24, 2022, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution calling for the creation of a fact finding mission to “Thoroughly and independently investigate alleged human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran related to the protests that began on 16 September 2022, especially with respect to women and children.”

Mr. Mohsen Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i’s arbitrary execution

Mr. Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i was shot in the back with a live bullet by security forces in front of Police Station No. 11 on Sari Street (Kargar Boulevard) following his participation in the protest gathering in Qaemshahr on September 21, 2022. Due to the severity of his injuries, he died at Qaemshahr’s Vali Asr Hospital.

According to footage from Qaemshahr municipal CCTV cameras, Mr. Mohammadi was last seen in the late afternoon at the protest site, standing among demonstrators with a mask on his face. Eyewitnesses gave the Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i family two different accounts of the killing. According to one account, he had gone toward a person who had been shot in front of the police station to help when he was shot himself. Another account states that he and several others were at the entrance of the police station, attempting to enter, when they were shot. (ABC interview, April 10, 2023; IranWire, September 25, 2024).

The bullet entered from behind, struck below his chest, and pierced his lung. He walked nearly two kilometers while bleeding heavily and did not allow others to take him to the hospital until his brother arrived. (BBC Persian, October 2, 2023; IranWire, September 25, 2024).

A few days before he was killed, Mohsen Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i said: "Mahsa Amini also had parents. Must we lose a loved one before we realize what is happening?"

After repeated phone calls to his mobile went unanswered, his family learned of his injury when someone else answered his phone. They immediately went to the given location. At around 8:30 p.m., they found Mohsen in Sina Alley in Qaemshahr. A taxi driver had brought him there, and a young woman had tied her scarf around the wound under his left shoulder blade. His brother laid Mohsen in the backseat of the car and drove toward Vali Asr Hospital. After traveling a short distance, Mohsen told his brother that he could not breathe. His brother stopped the car and performed mouth-to-mouth resuscitation and chest compressions. Mohsen’s condition improved slightly, so they continued driving. After reaching the hospital, they transferred Mohsen to the emergency ward, where he lost consciousness. Resuscitation efforts lasted about ten minutes, after which he was taken to the operating room. A large number of plainclothes officers wearing hospital service uniforms were moving about in the operating room corridor. More than twenty men and women injured in the protests were also present at the hospital, including children aged 15–16. At 2 a.m., Mr. Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i’s family finally received word that he had been transferred to the morgue after repeatedly demanding to be informed of his condition. His brother saw Mohsen’s body in the morgue and closed his eyes himself. (ABC interview, April 10, 2023; Radio Zamaneh, September 30, 2022).

Later, a hospital staff member informed the family that Mohsen had died within the first 15 minutes after being transferred to the hospital due to the large amount of blood that had filled his lungs. The burial permit, issued the same day by the National Forensic Medicine Organization, recorded the cause of death as "being struck by a high-velocity projectile (bullet)." The further details section noted: "massive internal chest hemorrhage" and "left lung perforation with pleural damage."(IranWire, November 14, 2022; Burial Permit, ABC Archive).

The family received Mr. Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i’s body at 3 p.m. on September 22, 2022. That same day, under pressure from security forces, they hastily buried him in the Emamzadeh Saleh Cemetery in Kuchaksara, Qaemshahr, with a large public attendance. (ABC interview, April 10, 2023).

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms.

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible:

a) Warning shots.

b) Shots aimed at the lower body.

c) Shots aimed at the upper body.

(Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

**Note 1:** If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Given this situation, the families of those killed in the recent protests should file a complaint of murder with the Armed Forces Prosecutor's Office against the law enforcement officials involved. Although the prosecutor's office is responsible for conducting its own investigation, it is important to file the complaint and request an autopsy and forensic analysis before the body is buried. In addition, if there are witnesses to the scene, their written statements should be obtained as soon as possible. Their identifying information should also be recorded so that it can be presented later in court. The prosecutor's office should be asked to review any available CCTV footage of the scene. A major problem in these cases is the unwillingness of prosecutors to conduct a complete investigation. Without a complete investigation, it is difficult for the victim's family to identify a specific official as the perpetrator or to prove that the shooting was intentional.

Family's Judicial Pursuit

The family of Mr. Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i filed a legal complaint with the Qaemshahr Revolutionary Court concerning the unlawful shooting carried out by military and security forces. These forces included agents from the police, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the Basij, and the Ministry of Intelligence. Since the bullet was fired from behind at close range, the family requested a forensic ballistic examination to identify the type of live ammunition used. Two years after filing the complaint, no perpetrator had been identified. However, the family learned through other channels that the individual who shot their son was from Sari, a police officer who now deeply regrets his actions and is in a difficult situation himself. (ABC interview, April 10, 2023; IranWire, September 25, 2024).

In pursuit of their complaint against the military and security institutions of Mazandaran Province, the family consulted with several lawyers in the province. However, all of them responded that they could not accept representation in this case because pursuing it would result in the revocation of their law license. (ABC interview with a family acquaintance, April 10, 2023).

More than two years after the family filed the complaint, and after the case was transferred several times from the Revolutionary Court to the Military Court of Sari and then to the Supreme Court, the judicial proceedings halted without a clear outcome. Throughout the family’s legal pursuit, intelligence agents offered to pay blood money and recognize Mohsen as a "martyr of the state." His father consistently rejected these offers, insisting on identifying the person responsible for the killing. (ABC interview, April 10, 2023; IranWire, September 25, 2024; November 14, 2022).

Officials’ Reaction

Security officials had been present at the hospital since Mr. Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i was first transferred there. After his death, they instructed hospital staff not to provide his family with accurate information about his condition. They also confiscated his identification and bank cards. After hours of uncertainty, the family finally learned of his death around 2:30 a.m. (ABC interview, April 10, 2023; BBC Persian, October 2, 2023; IranWire, November 14, 2022).

In exchange for releasing Mr. Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i’s body, the security officials forced the family to pledge that no slogans would be chanted, no filming would take place, the funeral procession would not begin from the family’s home, and the burial would be quick. Despite this pledge, the Provincial Security Council initially refused to release the body. It was only after the family threatened to gather mourners outside the Forensic Medicine Organization that the body was handed over to them at around 3 p.m. (ABC interview, April 10, 2023; Radio Zamaneh, September 30, 2022).

Since Mohsen’s death, officials from the Mazandaran Province Intelligence Office have repeatedly questioned and interrogated his family members by phone and in person about Instagram Stories they posted regarding memorial events, including the fortieth-day ceremony. The officials threatened the family, saying that if they continued their online activity, "other forces would intervene, and their behavior would certainly not be as pleasant as you imagine." (ABC interview, April 10, 2023).

After the fortieth-day ceremony, Qaemshahr intelligence officials proposed to the Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i family through intermediary Keyvan Moradian Kuchaksara’i, one of Qaemshahr’s parliamentary representatives. They offered to recognize Mohsen as a “martyr of the state” and provide the family with blood money and a monthly pension since he had no political record and came from a respectable family. Security officials also harassed and pressured the family to appear in interviews with state-affiliated media and the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) and publicly state that their son had been killed by "armed protesters" or "members of the Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization and other hostile groups" (ABC interview, April 10, 2023; IranWire, November 14, 2022).

On the first anniversary of Mr. Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i’s death, security forces prevented his family from visiting his grave. On that same day, a group of Basij militiamen and regime supporters held a "martyrs' commemoration" ceremony at his gravesite. (IranWire, September 25, 2024; Channel Jadid, September 21, 2023).

When the family later attempted to hold a birthday memorial for Mr. Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i at his gravesite, security forces blocked the entrance to the cemetery and prevented them from entering. (BBC Persian, October 2, 2023).

According to an informed person, in response to the judge’s order to investigate the killing, the IRGC merely acknowledged that Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i had been "shot by mistake" and offered the family blood money. However, the judicial process was halted because Mohsen’s father insisted on identifying the perpetrator. In response to the family’s persistence, the judge told them: "Nothing can be done because it is in the hands of the head of the judiciary, Gholamhossein Mohseni Eje'i." (IranWire, September 25, 2024)

Familys’ Reaction

In response to the authorities’ refusal to release Mohsen’s body due to opposition from the Provincial Security Council, his family told security officials that more than 600 protesters and mourners gathered in front of his parents’ home would be brought to the Forensic Medicine Organization if the body was not released. Through this threat, they secured the release of the body that same day and were able to bury him. (Radio Zamaneh, September 30, 2022).

At Mohsen’s seventh-day memorial, his family and relatives wore 64 white T-shirts printed with Mohsen’s picture—signifying his birth year, 1364 (1985). Holding hands, they walked toward his grave to the sound of the ney flute. Instead of the Qur'an, the music of Shajarian and Homay, two well-known traditional Iranian singers, was played at the ceremony. When questioned and pressured by security forces regarding these actions, they replied: “You told us not to take videos. We are not recording; we are just holding our own ceremony." (ABC interview; Radio Zamaneh, September 30, 2022).

In a video released on the second anniversary of Mr. Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i’s death, his father, brother, and sister stood at his graveside wearing green clothing printed with his image. His brother asked those present to step forward and clap for thirty seconds in honor of "the hero of the city," "the hero of the country," and his "courage and bravery." (Channel Jadid, September 21, 2024).

In another video published by his sister on the first anniversary of Mr. Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i’s death, she commemorated the moment her brother was killed, saying: "Tonight at 8:30 p.m. will be the most sacred moment in my life's history. It is true that I have lost your body forever, but with your passing, you taught me what it means to live honorably." (Channel Jadid, September 21, 2023).

Mr. Kuchaksara’i’s father rejected the government's proposal to name his son a "martyr of the state" in exchange for blood money and a monthly pension from the Martyrs Foundation, stating: "The only thing you can do is find Mohsen’s killer." (ABC interview with a family acquaintance, April 10, 2023; IranWire, November 14, 2022).

Impacts on Family

None of Mohsen’s family members have come to terms with his death. The entire family is still grieving. His 11-year-old son is deeply saddened. He has promised to make his father proud by excelling in his studies and sports. When his younger son misses his father, he becomes very irritable. Both children were extremely close to their father, and life without him has become very difficult for them. (BBC Persian, October 2, 2023)

The family of Mr. Mohammadi Kuchaksara’i found Mohsen’s bloodstained shirt and one of his shoes in the hospital morgue's trash bin, which they kept as mementos. (ABC interview, April 10, 2023).

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