Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Hassan Gohari

About

Age: 38
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Married

Case

Date of Killing: August 7, 1980
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Evin Prison, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Execution » Shooting
Charges: Corruption on earth; Working with or for a foreign power; Plotting to overthrow the Islamic Republic; War on God, God's Prophet and the deputy of the Twelfth Imam

About this Case

He was born in Hamedan. He was married and he had a child. He was a graduate of the Officers’ College during the reign of the Shah, and he was a major in Division One, Lavizan Garrison Center.

News of the execution of Hassan Gohari, son of Fatemeh (Ghayoor) and Aminollah, has been obtained from two electronic documents received from one of his relatives (June 3, 2013; May 31, 2023). Additional information about this execution along with 13 other people was collected from a notice issued by the public relations office of the Central Islamic Revolutionary Public Prosecutor which was published in Jomhuri Eslami Newspaper (August 7, 1980), Kayhan Newspaper (August 5, 6, 7, 1980; and July 20, 1980), Enqelab -e Eslami Newspaper (July 19, 1980), the Fatwa of Ayatollah Khomeini in Kayhan Newspaper (July 20, 1980), and Iran Press News website (July 8, 2012).

According to available information, Major Gohari was 38 years old. He was born in Hamedan, he was married, and he had a child. He was a graduate of the Officers’ College during the reign of the Shah, and he was a major in Division One, Lavizan Garrison Center.

Mr. Gohari was one of the commanders of the military arm of the “18 Tir 1359 Uprising”. At the outset of the operation, he and a team of 200 commandos, some of whom were in the army and some of whom were not, were supposed to take over Iranian TV, “They were supposed to wear army uniforms and pretend to protect the television station from the coup plotters.” (Iran Press News, July 8, 2012)

Mr. Gohari’s case has to do with the coup know as “Nojeh Coup d’etat” on July 9, 1980.

“18 Tir 1359 Uprising” (known as the “Nojeh Coup d’état”)

The architects of the July 9, 1980 uprising (also called the “Nojeh Coup d’état”) were veterans, active servicemen, and civilians, including members of the Iran Party (social democratic and the backbone of the National Front of Iran), and armed tribal warriors who had joined forces in an underground organization, the "Saving Iran's Great Uprising" (NEQAB or NEGHAB). According to their initial statement, the group was concerned about the plight of the country in the throes of clerics, and believed in an independent Iran and national sovereignty within the framework of a democracy, and in the separation of religion and state. They began their activities with the goal of overthrowing the theocracy by force. Neqab announced its existence in April 1980 with a statement in which they said, "Our country with its illustrious millennial civilization is going adrift and is on the verge of disintegration. Displacement, homelessness, and statelessness threaten the thirty-six million inhabitants of our homeland."  The Organization announced its goals to be “the complete destruction and definitive annihilation of the rule of the mullahs and their hoodlums … establishment of an authentic nationalist government … undertaking to create a non-chaotic democracy in order to create an environment where various ideologies can be presented … and to turn over the reign of the country to the majority after a very short period …” * 

Arrest and detention

Mr. Gohari was arrested by Revolutionary Court forces in Tehran, on July 11, 1980. According to one of his relatives, “The agents treated him poorly and disrespectfully. He was detained in Evin Prison for 28 days and his family were able to see him twice with great difficulty.” (Two electronic documents)

Trial

Branch One of the Central Islamic Revolutionary Court (Special revolutionary court base in Evin Prison) convened at 11 am on August 5, 1980, and began the trial of Major Gohari and 11 other accused people. On August 6, 1980, this trial was brought to a close. (Kayhan Newspaper, August 6, 1980)

Charges

Branch One of the Central Islamic Revolutionary Tribunal brought charges of “Rebels against the just Imam and the Islamic Republic of Iran, and also having powerful backers and suppliers such as the United States of America and Israel” against Major Gohari and 12 other people.

In an indictment dated July 18,1980, the prosecutor has commented about some other participants in the planning of this coup: “These followers of the evil regime, the rotten and reactionary system of the monarchy, the bloodthirsty and world-devouring imperialism of America and its stooges wanted th bring about the so-called “American social democracy” and, after two years of absolute strangulation and military rule, to put the monarchy to a referendum.” (Jomhuri Eslami Newspaper and Ehqelab-e Eslami Newspaper, July 19, 1980)

In the indictment it has been stressed that: “This conspiracy is not an isolated incident that can be discussed in the lines of a criminal indictment, and these conspirators cannot be considered ordinary defendants. These are criminals who have made a mockery of the truth, honor, and dignity of a nation that has been deprived of its freedom. Considering the above, and considering the verses of the Holy Quran regarding the punishment of “rebels”**, it is requested that the Islamic government issue a Sharia ruling.”

The validity of the criminal charges brought against this defendant cannot be ascertained in the absence of the basic guarantees of a fair trial. International human rights organizations have drawn attention to reports indicating that the Islamic Republic authorities have brought trumped-up charges, including drug trafficking, sexual, and other criminal offences, against their opponents (including political, civil society activists, as well as unionists and ethnic and religious minorities). Each year Iranian authorities sentence to death hundreds of alleged common criminals, following judicial processes that fail to meet international standards. The exact number of people convicted and executed based on trumped-up charges is unknown.

Evidence of guilt

The report of this execution does not contain information regarding the evidence provided against Major Gohari.

International human rights organizations have repeatedly condemned the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran for its systematic use of severe torture and solitary confinement to obtain confessions from detainees and have questioned the authenticity of confessions obtained under duress.

Defense

Major Gohari represented himself in court (Jomhuri Eslami Newspaper, August 7, 1980), but no information is available about his defense.

Major Gohari did not have an attorney.

Judgment

Branch One of the Central Islamic Revolutionary Tribunal declared Major Hassan Gohari “a corruptor on Earth and an enemy of God and His Messenger” and sentenced him to death.

Major Gohari and 11 other people were executed by firing squad in the courtyard of Evin Prison on August 7, 1980.

The body of Major Gohari was released to his uncle and his aunt’s husband. He was buried in Behesht-e Zahra cemetery, “accursed section”. The family were not allowed to hold a funeral or a memorial service. According to one of his relatives, his gravestone was broken several times by unknown persons.

Ayatollah Khomeini issued a Fatwa on July 20, 1980, in which he condemned all of the participants in this coup to death and destruction, “People who God forbid have some deviations, and are deemed reformable, should be preached to, advised, and guided, until they mend their ways. If not, remove them. All of those who were involved in this recent incident (Neqab Uprising), according to the Quran, all of them should be killed without exception. There is not a single exception among them. Nobody is allowed to pardon anybody or to forgive anybody. According to Islam and according to the Quran, they are corrupt and they are corruptors. There are four sentences for them in the Quran, the least of which is to kill them. I hope all of you will follow this path with health and well-being and blessings. I hope you will follow this straight path, God willing. May God bless you. God willing.” (Jomhuri Eslami Newspaper, July 20, 1980).

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 * Neqab defined its goals as follows:
1. To overthrow and wipe out the clerics and their associated hoodlums, destroy the ludicrous revolutionary guards and their committees; while at the same time,
a. Stand with respect to enlightened clerics of all faiths, and
b. Honor the brave servicemen in the armed forces, police and gendarmerie;
2- To establish an authentic nationalist government that
a. Upholds equality of all ideologies that genuinely emanate from and are for the people;
b. Adheres to the establishment of an economic order that promotes social justice and the equal distribution of wealth;
c. Is committed to the orderly transition to and the establishment of democracy paving the way for the emergence of an environment in which different ideologies can be put forward to the general public, the best of which shall prevail in a fair competition;
d. Takes charge of the country during a brief transition period and hands over political power to the majority party.
According to some members of the organization and informed sources, Neqab turned to Shapur Bakhtiar, the last prime minister of the Shah, to lead the country following the overthrow of the clerical regime. Bakhtiar, who had never resigned from office, had been dubbed the "true spiritual son"  of Mossadegh in the statement issued by Neqab; he had been invited to take part in the uprising, in the knowledge that the revolutionary rulers had started a "cleansing" process in the armed forces to get rid of unwanted servicemen, and thereby remove the risk of any possible willingness and/or capacity to engage in a subversive action in the future.
It is difficult to gauge the number of participants in the planned operation. Nonetheless, according to the testimony of some of the operational commanding officers, other than the civilian collaborators who were not in direct contact with the said commanding officers, armed forces across the whole country including key officers in the 77th Armored Division (of Khorassan), the 92nd Armored Division (of Khouzestan), the Airborne Brigade of Shiraz, the Armored Division in Ghazvin, the Armored Division in Khash, the Mehrabad Airbase, the NOHED (Airborne Special Forces) Brigade and a number of tribal armed warriors, who ensured the security of towns and borders along with the forces of law and order, backed the operation. Tehran was the primary target of the coup.
The operation's preparation had taken seven months. Air Force pilots had been tasked with taking off from the Shahrokhi Air Base (this location, at 60 km distance from Hamedan, had been selected because of its distance from Tehran and other big cities) at 6 a.m. on July 9 to bomb a few strategic locations in Tehran. Eight F-14 fighter jet planes remained in a state of readiness in a border area tasked with intervening to crush resistance should forces loyal to the regime fly towards Tehran. The primary targets of the bombing air raids were: the runways of the Mehrabad International Airport and the main Train Station in Tehran (Rahahan), to prevent movement of the reinforcement force loyal to the clerics towards Tehran, the centre of the operation; the runways of the Mehrabad International Airport; the building of Parliament used as the telecommunications headquarters by the revolutionary committees; the Niavaran Palace used as the training ground for a newly created armed body which later became the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps; the Manzarieh Park that was the abode and training ground for the Syrian and Palestinian para-militia based in Tehran; the Eshrat-abad Garrison and Khomeini's residence in the North of Tehran (Jamaran area). In parallel, another team was tasked to take control of the national radio and television building in Tehran to get the news out, to explain the reasons behind the move and invite people to join and support the organization. Emphasis was to be placed on explaining the goals and intentions of the putschists: that they did not intend to hold on to power; that after seizing control of key locations they were to handover the administration of the country to the Political Council of Neqab; and that a general amnesty was to be declared within 48 hours.
The operation was revealed only hours before the scheduled start time. On that day the officials of the regime announced that a network of servicemen and civilians who had planned to overthrow the regime via a military coup had been identified and their scheme had been quashed. On July 20, 1980 Khomeini issued a decree (a fatwa) in which he prescribed the "execution of all the participants in the plot". The order was widely broadcast and published in the media. Data collected by the ABC shows that in the following two months at least 96 individuals, servicemen and civilians, were executed across the country by firing squads. Most of them were active servicemen who had not yet been disposed of in the "cleansing" operation launched in the armed forces. The following decades saw more executions. Different narratives put forward different numbers for the victims. Colonel Mohammad Baqer Baniameri, one of the leading figures in the Military Council of the organization, identified and recorded 142 executed persons. As of today, the ABC has recorded at least 123 people (88 of whom were members of the armed forces) executed in relation to the Coup. Given the secret nature of the organization and the operation, said a member of the Organization, each member had contact with only one or two other members and did not know any other person in the network. Thus, a significant number of associates remained unidentified and managed to survive.
After the discovery of the July 9, 1980 Uprising plans, Islamic Republic authorities used the media and the detainees’ sentences to accuse Neghab members of affiliation with the “Non-Islamic governments of America and Israel” with the aim of establishing “an American [style] social democratic government”, and claimed the CIA to be among the planners of the “Nojeh Coup d’état”. On September 9, 1980, the organization issued a statement in which they assumed responsibility for the "ground-breaking uprising on July 9, 1980". The statement read: "Notwithstanding the preposterous allegations made by the regime's officials, the July 9th uprising was a widespread independent act with no foreign backing. It was the feat of patriotic men and women, ordinary people, most of them with working class background, who employed the limited resources available to them inside the country to obtain weaponry and other necessities. They were assisted exclusively by fellow compatriots equally athirst for freedom. The 81 pieces of weaponry hidden in one of the organization's safe houses in Tehran, together with the two thousand tri-color national flags that were discovered and put on display in the media, bear evidence of truth ". The statement continued: "Of the people who were charged with participating in the operation and executed, only 67 were associated with our organization; Khomeini seized the chance to eliminate nationalists, those who fight for freedom and those who oppose his ideology." The trial behind closed doors of those arrested, said the statement, revealed the fear by the regime "of the prospect of the public's awareness of the nature of the uprising and what had motivated the instigators of that brave patriotic act."
In the years that followed, a number of the members of the organization escaped Iran and joined forces with opposition groups abroad, including the National Resistance Movement led by Shapur Bakhtiar, and the Flag for Freedom of Iran (the FFO, "Derafsh-e Kaviani"). In the following two decades, many fell victim to the extrajudicial killings perpetrated by death squads dispatched by or linked to the regime in Tehran. 
**Rebellion and Rebel:  Armed uprising against the structure of the Islamic Republic regime in and of itself is considered the crime of “rebellion”, whether arms are used or not. By structure of the regime is meant the existence or non-existence of the regime. 
This crime is only committed as a group, and if they have used arms they must all be executed. If they have not used arms, meaning it is a “rebel” organization, then all the members are sentenced to at least 10-15 years in prison. If the organization no longer exists, they will be sentenced to level 5 discretionary imprisonment.

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