Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Kaveh (Sajad) Sabz Alipur

About

Age: 24
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: June 20, 2009
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Lolagar Mosque, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm » targeting vital organs
Age at time of alleged offense: 24

About this Case

Kaveh Sabz Alipur’s father: "My son was not a Basij member. He was just an ordinary citizen who dreamed of becoming an actor. Unfortunately, he became a victim of political games.”

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mr. Kaveh (Sajad) Sabz Alipur, son of Yusef, has been gathered from reports published in The Wall Street Journal (June 23, 2009), Jaras (Green Path of Hope) (July 5, 2010), Rooz Online (June 15 and 20, 2010), Radio Farda (November 29, 2013), Sarmayeh Newspaper (May 19 and 26, 2009), Where Is My Vote website (April 25, 2010), ILNA News Agency (May 19, 2009), Fars News Agency (June 11, 2010), HRANA (July 28, 2009), and the Ebtekare Sabz blog (September 19, 2014).

Mr. Kaveh (Sajjad) Sabz Alipur was born in 1985 and lived in Tehran. He was the eldest of three children, with two younger sisters. His father was a disabled veteran of the Iran-Iraq War and worked as a janitor in a building with physicians' offices on Vali-e Asr Street. The family lived in the basement of the same building. (Radio Farda, November 29, 2013).

Kaveh was shy, polite, and energetic. He often wore colorful, stylish outfits that matched his taste. He was passionate about cinema and aspired to become an actor. During his military service, he took acting courses and appeared in several television productions that had not aired by the time of his death. According to his family, he was only one week away from his wedding when he was killed. (The Wall Street Journal, June 23, 2009; Green Initiative Blog, September 19, 2014).

Mr. Sabz Alipur was socially and politically active. On May 1, 2009, he participated in the International Workers’ Day rally at Laleh Park in Tehran, where he was arrested. In the days leading up to the June 2009 presidential election, he and his sisters were seen wearing green wristbands in support of opposition candidate Mir-Hossein Mousavi. According to his mother, he approached the demonstrations with indescribable enthusiasm. At the beginning of the public protests against the election results, he joined some of the gatherings with his father. However, as the security forces' crackdown intensified, his family prevented him from continuing to participate. (Jaras, July 5, 2010; Sarmayeh Newspaper, May 19, 2009; Where Is My Vote?, April 25, 2010).

2009 Election - Background 

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.).

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested. 

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction. 

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them.  

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.” 

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it. 

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one.  

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture. 

Mr. Kaveh Sabz Alipur’s arbitrary execution 

According to available information, Kaveh Sabz Alipur was shot in the eye and killed near the Basij base of the Lolagar Mosque in Tehran's Salsabil neighborhood on June 20, 2009. He died shortly thereafter at Loghman Hospital. The shooting occurred during a crackdown by Basij forces who opened fire from the mosque's rooftop. 

As popular protests against the presidential election results continued that day, demonstrations across Tehran turned violent. Basij militia forces stationed at the Resistance Base, located at the intersection of Navab and Azerbaijan streets, opened fire on demonstrators with live ammunition. Several people were wounded or killed, although the exact number of casualties remains unknown.

"He had been shot in the eyes." His father recounts the moment he saw his son’s dead body. 

Earlier that day, Kaveh told his parents, "Don't worry. I'm not going to the rally. I'm going to sign a contract for a movie role." He said he was heading to Vahdat Hall, near Vali-e Asr Square, to sign the contract. However, according to reports, he was shot in the head near an intersection not far from the Lolagar Mosque Basij base. (The Wall Street Journal, June 23, 2009; Radio Farda, November 29, 2013). 

The Sabz Alipur family heard gunshots from their home and became worried when Kaveh did not return. They contacted his friends, but none had any information. Around 10 p.m., Loghman Hospital called the family to inform them that Kaveh had been admitted with gunshot wounds. When they arrived, however, his body had already been moved to the morgue. His father later recounted, "At the morgue, we saw many innocent people who had been killed. That’s when we realized what had happened to our son." His mother and I saw the bullet wound on his face. They shot him in the eyes” (Radio Farda, November 29, 2013; The Wall Street Journal, June 23, 2009; Jaras, July 5, 2010). 

The Forensic Medicine Organization confirmed that the cause of death was gunshot trauma. (Jaras, July 5, 2010). 

Without any public announcement or funeral ceremony, the family quietly transferred Kaveh’s body to their hometown of Rasht, where he was buried in silence. (The Wall Street Journal, June 23, 2009). 

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms.

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible:

a) Warning shots.

b) Shots aimed at the lower body.

c) Shots aimed at the upper body.

(Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

**Note 1:** If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Given this situation, the families of those killed in the recent protests should file a complaint of murder with the Armed Forces Prosecutor's Office against the law enforcement officials involved. Although the prosecutor's office is responsible for conducting its own investigation, it is important to file the complaint and request an autopsy and forensic analysis before the body is buried. In addition, if there are witnesses to the scene, their written statements should be obtained as soon as possible. Their identifying information should also be recorded so that it can be presented later in court. The prosecutor's office should be asked to review any available CCTV footage of the scene. A major problem in these cases is the unwillingness of prosecutors to conduct a complete investigation. Without a complete investigation, it is difficult for the victim's family to identify a specific official as the perpetrator or to prove that the shooting was intentional. 

Officials’ Reaction

Initially, a security organization demanded approximately three million tomans from the Sabz Alipur family for a so-called "bullet fee" to release Kaveh’s body. However, the demand eventually dropped following persistent appeals by Kaveh’s father, a disabled veteran of the Iran-Iraq War, who stated that he did not have such money. The family was given the body on the condition that the burial take place quietly, without announcement or a memorial ceremony in Tehran. (The Wall Street Journal, June 23, 2009; Radio Farda, November 29, 2013).

In the days following Kaveh’s death, representatives from the Iranian Red Crescent Society and the Martyrs Foundation visited the family. The Tehran Prosecutor’s Office also contacted the family and asked them to file a formal complaint. (Jaras, July 5, 2010).

A year later, on June 11, 2010, Fars News Agency published an interview with the Sabz Alipur family referring to Kaveh as a "martyr." The article quoted the family blaming opposition leaders Mir-Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, who were candidates in the disputed 2009 presidential election, for his death. (Fars News Agency, June 11, 2010).

However, the individual responsible for Kaveh’s murder was never identified by the judiciary, and the family’s legal complaint yielded no results. According to the family’s lawyer, judicial officials never provided a clear answer regarding the status of the case. "One time, they said the number of fatalities was too high and that the investigation was still ongoing. Another time, they claimed that Parliament hadn't made a decision yet."

One year after Kaveh’s death, the Prosecutor’s Office informed the family that they could request compensation (diyah) from the public fund, but did not name a suspect. (Jaras, July 5, 2010).

Three years after the killing, a member of parliament aligned with then-President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad publicly claimed during a parliamentary session that Kaveh had been a Basij member and government supporter (Radio Farda, November 29, 2013).

Familys’ Reaction

The Sabz Alipur family filed a complaint with the Tehran Revolutionary Court to identify those responsible for their son’s death. According to Kaveh’s father: “We wrote letters, filed complaints, and even hired a lawyer. But they never identified the killer and didn’t respond to our lawyer." (Jaras, July 5, 2010).

The family denied the claims published in an interview with Fars News Agency, which quoted them as blaming opposition leaders Mir-Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, presidential candidates in the disputed 2009 election, for Kaveh’s death. They announced their intent to file a complaint against the news agency. Kaveh’s mother stated: “When they called, the only thing Kaveh’s father told the Fars reporter was that he left the killers of our son to God. But they didn’t publish that. What they printed in my husband’s name was a lie." According to Kaveh’s sister, the news agency tried to force her to say things she didn’t believe, but she refused. She said all she wanted was for her brother’s killer to be identified and brought to justice. (Rooz Online, June 15, 2010).

In response to Fars News Agency’s claim that Kaveh had been a Basij member, his father said: “My son was not a Basij member. He was just an ordinary citizen who dreamed of becoming a film actor, but he became a victim of political games." (Radio Farda, November 29, 2013).

Impacts on Family 

Kaveh Sabz Alipur’s sisters have never come to terms with his loss. For a long time, they kept a photo of him in a corner of their room, surrounded by the words:

“Cursed be those who took you from us with bullets. We can never forgive them." (Where Is My Vote?, April 25, 2010).

Kaveh’s mother remained in constant anguish, waiting for someone to tell her who had killed her son. After his death, she could no longer bear to live in Tehran. She and her daughters returned to their hometown of Rasht. According to her, the Tehran house was filled with memories of Kaveh that shook her to the core (Jaras, July 5, 2010; Radio Farda, November 29, 2013).

Kaveh was well-known in his neighborhood. After his death, some local shopkeepers hung his picture in their store windows. Upon seeing his photograph, a local taxi driver recognized him and said: “He was full of life. He had so many dreams. Why did he have to die?" (The Wall Street Journal, June 23, 2009).

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