Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Meysam Ebadi

About

Age: 16
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: June 14, 2009
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Takhti Square, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm » at close range
Age at time of alleged offense: 16

About this Case

Meysam was fatally shot by a Basij militiaman merely for defending a young woman who was being violently beaten and arrested. He was the first victim of the 2009 post-election protests.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mr. Meysam Ebadi, son of Asghar, has been gathered from reports published in Khabar Online (May 6, 2014), IRNA (February 16, 2014), Rooz Online (June 17, 2011; June 15, July 3, and September 27, 2010), Kalame (May 18, 2011), HRANA (December 24, 2010), Where Is My Vote? (August 15, 2010); Fars News Agency (June 11, 2009); ISNA (February 9, 2010); Etemaad-e Melli newspaper (June 16 and July 23, 2009); Green Movement of Freedom (July 24, 2009); Mardomsalari newspaper (June 16, 2009); and Negah-e Sabz Blog (November 22, 2011).

Meysam Ebadi was born in 1992 and lived in the Kianshahr neighborhood of Tehran. He was the youngest child in a large family with three sisters and two older brothers. At age 16, he dropped out of school to work in a tailoring workshop because his father, a heavy truck driver, could no longer work due to cervical arthritis. Meysam’s income helped support the household.

Describing his son, Meysam’s father stated, "Meysam was a good boy. He never complained about working. He was always content with what he had." He added, "If anyone in the neighborhood harassed a girl, Meysam would always stand up to them" (Where Is My Vote?, August 15, 2010).

Following the announcement of the 2009 presidential election results, Meysam went to Vali-e Asr Square on June 14 with his friends. Then-President Ahmadinejad was scheduled to deliver a speech there. (Where Is My Vote?, August 15, 2010).

2009 Election - Background 

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.). 

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested. 

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction. 

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them.  

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.” 

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it. 

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one.  

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture. 

Mr. Meysam Ebadi’s arbitrary execution

According to available information, Mr. Meysam Ebadi was fatally shot on June 14, 2009, near Takhti Square in Tehran. A member of the Basij forces shot him in the abdomen after he protested the violent beating of a young woman on the street. Mr. Ebadi was taken to Javaheri Hospital in Tehran, where he later died.

June 14 marked the first day of mass protests against the results of the 2009 presidential election, and the demonstrations had not yet turned violent. At around 6:00 p.m., Meysam’s sister called him because they had planned to buy a Mother’s Day gift together. Meysam told her he would return in about an hour. According to his friends, they had initially gone to Vali-e Asr Square to listen to Ahmadinejad’s speech. However, the square was overly crowded and tightly controlled by security forces. The crowd appeared to have been preselected, and ordinary citizens were turned away. Meysam and his friends took a bus toward Parkway Avenue. Near Takhti Square, they saw Basij members viciously beat a girl with batons. The girl fell to the ground, and the security forces dragged her by her legs. Outraged, Meysam confronted the officers. He called out to the officer dragging the girl and said, 'Is this what bravery looks like—dragging a helpless girl on the ground? The officer warned Meysam to leave or face consequences. Meysam responded, "Let her go. Hit me instead if you can.” Suddenly, a Basij member drew his handgun and shot Meysam in the stomach (Rooz Online, July 3, 2010; Where Is My Vote?, August 15, 2010).

A conscripted soldier helped transfer Meysam to Javaheri Hospital in a passing car. The bullet had struck him near his navel and remained lodged in his body. (Where Is My Vote?, August 15, 2010; Rooz Online, July 3, 2010).

Around 10:30 p.m., a hospital staff member used Meysam’s phone to call his family and inform them that their son had been shot and was being treated at Javaheri Hospital in Qolhak. In a state of panic, the family rushed to the hospital but ended up on the Haraz Highway outside Tehran. Meysam’s father later recalled, "We got there too late. We didn’t see our son alive, but his hands were still warm.” He remained by his son’s side in the hospital until morning. (Where Is My Vote?, August 15, 2010).

On June 15, security forces transferred Meysam’s body to the Forensic Medicine Organization and summoned his family to the local police station. There, they were told someone would contact them about releasing the body. (Rooz Online, July 3, 2010).

Determined to understand what had happened to his son, Mr. Ebadi went to the shooting location and began asking residents for information. Most were too frightened to speak, but one construction worker told him that the Basij militia had fired the fatal shot. (Azad Iran blog, September 19, 2011).

On June 15, Mr. Ebadi retrieved his son’s body from the Forensic Medicine Organization. According to Mr. Ebadi, "They had cut open his abdomen to remove the bullet, and his entire torso had been stitched shut from top to bottom." The death certificate issued by the National Organization for Civil Registration listed the cause of death as "gunshot trauma to the abdomen," and the date of death was recorded as June 15, 2009. (Rooz Online, July 3, 2010. A copy of the death certificate is archived with the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center.)

Meysam Ebadi was buried on June 15, 2009, in Section 256, Row 131, Plot 31 of Behesht Zahra Cemetery. The burial was carried out quietly under heavy security surveillance. (Where Is My Vote?, August 15, 2010).

At the time of his death, Meysam Ebadi was sixteen years old. 

Regulations on Controlling Protests 

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms.

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible:

a) Warning shots.

b) Shots aimed at the lower body.

c) Shots aimed at the upper body.

(Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

**Note 1:** If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Given this situation, the families of those killed in the recent protests should file a complaint of murder with the Armed Forces Prosecutor's Office against the law enforcement officials involved. Although the prosecutor's office is responsible for conducting its own investigation, it is important to file the complaint and request an autopsy and forensic analysis before the body is buried. In addition, if there are witnesses to the scene, their written statements should be obtained as soon as possible. Their identifying information should also be recorded so that it can be presented later in court. The prosecutor's office should be asked to review any available CCTV footage of the scene. A major problem in these cases is the unwillingness of prosecutors to conduct a complete investigation. Without a complete investigation, it is difficult for the victim's family to identify a specific official as the perpetrator or to prove that the shooting was intentional. 

Officials’ Reaction 

Before returning Meysam’s body, security agents summoned his father to the police station. They told him that to avoid trouble, the funeral had to be held quietly. Security forces were also present at the funeral. (Rooz Online, July 3, 2010).

In February 2010, Tehran’s criminal investigator confirmed the killing of a 17-year-old boy near Tajrish Square, stating that "for certain reasons, the details cannot be disclosed." On February 10, the investigator announced that Ebadi had been killed by a 9mm pistol and that Mohammad, a 23-year-old suspect, had been arrested. The investigator added that although the suspect had not confessed, certain evidence and inconsistencies in his statements during interrogation had strengthened suspicions against him. (Etemad Newspaper, June 16, 2009; ISNA, February 9, 2010).

Initially, the judicial authorities rejected the suspect’s claim of innocence after confirming through forensic analysis that the bullet had been fired from his weapon. However, one month later, the suspect was released, and the case was returned to the police station, as the perpetrator could not be definitively identified. When Meysam’s father asked the judge, "What should I do now?" the judge reportedly responded, "Go sit and pray that the killer will be found one day" (Rooz Online, July 3, 2010; IRNA, February 16, 2014).

After months of pursuing the case, the investigating judge told Meysam’s father, "I've sent officers ten times to summon the Basij commander for questioning, but he hasn't shown up," and "I can't arrest these Basij members. Even if your case remains open for three years, I still can’t do anything." The case was later transferred from Branch 1, under Judge Mohammad Hossein Shamlu, to Branch 3. In the new branch, the tone toward Meysam’s father changed. Officials accused Meysam of being a rioter, asking, "What was he doing on Vali Asr Street if he lived in Kianshahr?" and "Your son was a rioter—why wasn't my son killed instead?" (HRANA, December 24, 2010; Iran Ethiopia Blog, September 19, 2011).

In response to the father's continued pursuit of justice, the police detained him for three days and threatened to arrest him again if he returned. Documents and summonses bearing the suspect's name were withheld, and Meysam’s personal belongings, including his outfits, were never returned to his family. (Iran Ethiopia Blog, September 19, 2011; Rooz Online, July 3, 2010).

On June 11, 2010, Fars News Agency published an interview with Meysam Ebadi’s father in which he blamed presidential candidates Mehdi Karroubi and Mir Hossein Mousavi for his son’s death. When Mr. Ebadi inquired about the interview, he was told by Fars News that the person who published the piece had been transferred and no longer worked for them. (HRANA, December 24, 2010; Fars News, June 11, 2010).

Representatives from the Martyrs Foundation and the Red Crescent visited Meysam’s family and proposed registering his name as a martyr, offering a monthly stipend of 300,000 tomans. (Rooz Online, July 3, 2010; Kalemeh, May 18, 2011).

The Office of the Supreme Leader declined to accept a letter from Meysam’s father addressed to Ayatollah Khamenei regarding his son’s killing. After more than a year of repeated inquiries from Mr. Ebadi regarding a letter he had addressed to then-President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the Presidential Office eventually responded by phone: “You shouldn’t have attended the protests. You should have stopped your son from going. He went and got himself killed. It has nothing to do with us” (Rooz Online, September 27, 2010; Iran Azad Blog, September 19, 2011).

Four years after Meysam’s death and the suspect's release, domestic media outlets reported on the conclusion of the judicial process: "After an extensive investigation of the Tehran Basij command, a review of the circumstances and location of the incident was conducted. Considering that the IRGC had issued an order prohibiting the use of live ammunition during the 2009 unrest, a non-prosecution order was issued for the only suspect in the case" (ILNA, February 16, 2014).

In April 2014, Branch 74 of Tehran’s Criminal Court issued a verdict ordering the payment of compensation (diyah) to the family of Meysam Ebadi. (Khabar Online, May 6, 2014).

Familys’ Reaction

In order to receive Meysam’s body, his family agreed to the security authorities' request to hold the funeral in silence. Meysam’s father said, "I told everyone, 'I lost a part of my soul. Let's not lose another young man." The funeral was held in complete silence. (Rooz Online, July 3, 2010).

In the days following Meysam’s death, his family filed a formal complaint with Branch 1 of the Tehran Criminal Court to identify those responsible for his killing. Meysam’s father also sent letters to the Office of the President and the Office of the Supreme Leader requesting an investigation into the case, but he never received a proper response. (Rooz Online, July 3, 2010; Iran Azad Blog, September 19, 2011).

Despite earlier confirmation by judicial officials that the fatal bullet had been fired from the main suspect's weapon, Meysam’s father expressed disbelief at his release. He said, "I have copies of all the documents, but only the judge and God know why he was released" (Rooz Online, July 3, 2010).

Meysam’s father repeatedly denied statements published by Fars News Agency that attributed to him the claim that he blamed presidential candidates Mousavi and Karroubi for his son’s death. He stated that he had only said, "I am filing a complaint against the government. Does everyone who walks down the street have to get shot and killed? My son knew nothing about politics—he went out of curiosity. Is that a crime?" Meysam’s sister also responded, saying: “When the Basij members came to our house for a second time, I told them, ‘Why are you lying on our behalf? We have nothing to do with politics. We just want to know what happened to our loved one." (HRANA, December 24, 2010; Ray Ma Kojast, August 15, 2010).

In response to the proposal to register his son as a martyr, Meysam’s father said, “Yes, we are poor and struggling, but my son is gone. I won’t allow such money to enter my home." He added, "I want them to name his killer. My son didn’t die for God—he was shot in broad daylight on the street." (Rooz Online, July 3, 2010; Kalemeh, May 18, 2011).

After two years of inaction, prominent human rights attorney Nasrin Sotudeh took over the case. However, she was soon arrested and could no longer pursue it. Four years later, Mostafa Tork Hamedani, the Ebadi family’s attorney, filed a request for compensation (diyah) since the perpetrator remained unidentified. (Khabar Online, January 27, 2014; Rooz Online, September 27, 2010).

Impacts on Family 

Meysam's death deprived his family of a crucial source of financial support. Overwhelmed by constant worry and grief, his father began experiencing episodes of forgetfulness and could no longer manage the family’s economic affairs. (Where is my vote, August 15, 2010).

He described life after Meysam’s death as "a world of pain": "Every day has felt like a year for us. We can no longer stay in Tehran—our house and everything around us remind us of Meysam. But we have no money to move elsewhere. It’s a world full of memories and pain.” Meysam’s mother has cried so much that her vision has deteriorated. Crying has become her daily routine. I have two other sons and three daughters. We are all shattered. Meysam’s brother is so devastated that he has gone to Behesht Zahra every morning for a year now to sit by Meysam’s grave. He doesn't work, shave, eat properly, or speak to anyone muchDespite our financial hardship, I would sell everything I own just to see my son’s killer identified and brought to justice. They have hurt us deeply—they didn't even return my son’s clothes or belongings. They gave us nothing. But we have placed our trust in God, and God will judge them." (Rooz Online, July 3, 2010).

For two years after Meysam’s death, the family continued to wear black. His father explained, "I simply cannot forget how my son was killed. How could his mother and I ever accept this?" Even now, when we visit his grave at Behesht Zahra, we stare in disbelief and ask, 'Why?' There is no one to give us an answer.” (Kalemeh, May 18, 2011).

Two years later, Meysam’s sister named her son after her late brother. However, as Meysam’s father recounted, even saying the child’s name remained difficult. "It is still hard to call him by that name, but seeing this child gives us hope. He reminds us that the spirit of Meysam and others like him lives on, and their blood will not be shed in vain" (Negah-e Sabz Blog, November 22, 2011).

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