Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Fatemeh Semsarpur

About

Age: 48
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Married

Case

Date of Killing: June 20, 2009
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Azadi Street, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm » at close range

About this Case

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Ms. Fatemeh Semsarpur was obtained from the website of the Committee to Defend Citizens Rights (July 2, 2009). Additional information was obtained from the websites Sorkh o Sabz (September 21, 2011), Rooz Online (June 30 and September 26, 2010), Radio Farda (June 8, 2014), Moj-e Sabz-e Azadi (Green Wave of Freedom, October 24, 2009), Kanoob JB (February 8, 2010), Iran Khabar Agency (October 31, 2009), Parcham. (October 3, 2009), and Golzar (Undated). 

Ms. Fatemeh Semsarpur was born on September 19, 1960, in Babol, Mazandaran Province.  She was married and had two sons (Rooz Online, September 26, 2010). At the time of her death, her older son was studying at Sharif University, and the younger at the Mofid School. Ms. Semsarpur was an innocent bystander killed on June 20, 2009, as security forces violently suppressed protests that had erupted after the disputed re-election of then-President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (Committee to Defend Citizens Rights, July 2, 2009).

Background on the 2009 Election 

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.).

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested.

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction. 

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them. 

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.” 

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it. 

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one. 

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture.

Ms. Fatemeh Semsarpur’s arbitrary execution

Ms. Fatemeh Semsarpur was shot and killed near Azadi Street, during the silent protest march passing through that street, on June 20, 2009. (Committee to Defend Citizens’ Rights, July 2, 2009) 

That evening, Ms. Semsarpur and her two children were in their home at the corner of Khosh-e Shomali (North Khosh) Street and Sina Alley, overlooking Azadi Street, when government plainclothes forces began to attack and shoot at the protestors (Moj-e Sabz-e Azadi, October 24, 2009). According to her husband, he called her from his workplace at 6 P.M. and she told him that she and the children were alright. However, around 6:45 P.M., Ms. Semsarpur and the children heard an explosion in the alley. They rushed outside to see what was going on, other neighbors had also come out; and they saw several people standing there with guns in their hands. Plainclothes officers had run into the alley, chasing after demonstrators. (Rooz Online, Radio Farda, June 8, 2014) A building belonging to the police was located at the entrance of Sina Alley. Local residents said that on June 20, this building was used to organize snipers and Basij forces, and was a center for their activities. (Moj-e Sabz-e Azadi, October 24, 2009)

The manager of a multi-story apartment complex located next to Ms. Semsarpur’s residence raised his hands in front of the officers, pointed to the complex’s gas pipe and said; “please don’t shoot, it will cause an explosion here.” However, an officer responded by shooting this man in the leg with a bullet. He then immediately afterwards shot Ms. Semsarpur, who was standing next to him, in the chest, and then proceeded to shoot her son in the stomach. Her younger son, who had stayed inside the house, with his eyes glued to the window, saw everything. Eyewitnesses later said that a total of six people were shot by the same officer that evening, of whom Ms. Semsarpur was the only one who died. (Rooz Online, September 26, 2010, Sorkh o Sabz, September 21, 2011) 

Other neighborhood residents picked the bodies up and took them away to the nearby Behgar clinic. These neighbors then came into Ms.Semsarpur’s house to care for her son, and he called his father. Ms. Semsarpur’s husband later recalled that his son was not able to say a word at that moment, so he knew something wrong had occurred, and walked home at 7 P.M. Ms. Semsapur’s husband took some time to reach his house, as all the roads were closed to traffic due to the protests and the presence of security forces. He was told by neighbors upon his arrival that his wife and older son had been shot. He then went to the clinic to find them, but was told there that they had been transferred to Shahriar Hospital. At that hospital, he was informed that his wife had died, and that she had died because the roads were closed and no doctor was present in the hospital, and Ms. Semsarpur had been left lying on a bed unattended. The cause of death was listed as impact to the heart from a 9mm bullet fired from a Colt (Rooz Online, September 26, 2010).

When Ms. Semsarpur’s husband requested his wife’s body from the hospital staff, they asked him if he had any complaints, and he replied “no” out of fear that they wouldn’t hand over the body if he stated otherwise. He was then asked to sign an affidavit stating that Ms. Semsarpur had not been a protestor, that he would not speak of the events surrounding her death to anyone, and that he would not hold a public funeral for her. After signing the statement, Ms. Semsarpur’s body was taken to Behesht-e Zahra cemetery (in Tehran) for washing, and then handed over to her husband. He then took his wife’s body to her hometown of Babol that same night where he buried her, alone and without any ceremony, out of fear that government agents might interfere if there was any delay in holding her funeral. As a result of this fear, he did not even inform Ms. Semsarpur’s mother of her daughter’s burial until after it had occurred. (Rooz Online, September 26, 2010) 

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms. 

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible: a) Warning shots; b) Shots aimed at the lower body; c) Shots aimed at the upper body. (Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

Note 1:If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Officials’ Reaction

No one was ever publicly identified as the perpetrator of Ms. Semsarpur’s murder, and Iranian officials never publicly accepted responsibility for her death. Rather, the deaths in 2009 were blamed on the opposition or on nebulous foreign conspirators (Radio Farda, June 18, 2014) The government later declared all those killed during the 2009 protests to be Islamic martyrs, rendering their survivors eligible for blood money payments. (Golzar) 

Government investigators visited Sina Alley and interviewed eyewitnesses to Ms. Semsarpur’s shooting on multiple occasions, but nothing ever developed from this. Some time after Ms. Semsarpur’s death, representatives of the Governor of Tehran Province visited her husband at his residence and admitted to him that she was wrongly killed. He remarked on this state of affairs, “It has become a la mode these days to speak about justice. What kind of justice is it when a man can walk down the street and kill people and afterwards they say the murderer is unidentifiable?” (Rooz Online, September 26, 2010)

In an interview with CBS News in September 2010, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad claimed that “Iran is the freest country in the world,” omitting that protestors and bystanders had been killed during June 2009, and he also asserted that police officers had been killed by protestors. 

Ms. Semsarpur’s husband replied to Ahmadinejad’s comments in his interview with Rooz Online (September 26, 2010): “How many police officers were buried? Why hasn’t Mr. Ahmadinejad announced their names? Lying is easy. There is a global forum and they allow this man to go and say whatever he wants, their media will interview him, and he’ll bring up whatever he wants to, but not once does anyone (from the media) come to ask us (victims), or to hear from us.” 

Familys’ Reaction

After Ms. Semsarpur’s burial, her husband obtained an attorney and filed a complaint in court over the wrongful death of his wife, and the injuries to his older son. The court stated that it would investigate Ms. Semsarpur’s death but they never opened a case. The family’s attorney subsequently petitioned the court numerous times, but he never received a response. Eventually, the court claimed it could not identify the shooter and offered blood money to Ms. Semsarpur’s husband, but it refused to otherwise investigate Ms. Semsapur’s murder. Her husband rejected the blood money, insisting instead that the facts of her death be clarified, the murderer identified, and brought to justice. He resigned himself, however, to the fact that there was little more he could do without further risking his safety. “What can we do? They have put others who spoke out in prison.”  (Rooz Online, June 30 and September 26, 2010).

Impacts on Family

Ms. Semsarpur’s husband and children have experienced severe emotional trauma as a result of her loss. As the news website Sorkh o Sabz explained two years after her death, “her husband still can't believe she is gone. He spends his days and nights with the memories of his martyred wife, as he himself says of Fatemeh, ‘Fatemeh is my martyr.’ Every day, he reviews the photos and memories he has with Fatemeh and mourns her death in disbelief” (September 21, 2011).

Ms. Semsarpur’s older son was hospitalized for a long time due to his injuries, and her younger son was left extremely mentally disturbed.  Her husband said, “Our younger son kept waking up at night, screaming and crying, and I could not calm him down. He was under the care of a psychiatrist. He expressed his feelings for his mother in a poem, even though he was young, but the poem he wrote is very touching. He played the santur for his mother. I didn't know how to talk to Kaveh and Kusha (the children) about the terrible situation they were going through. I sought help from a psychologist. I once took Kusha to the front door of the house and asked him, since he had witnessed everything from the window, to tell me what happened, but he couldn't speak, he felt too traumatized. He got into a bad mood and I didn't insist. None of my children have the strength to talk about that day. My older son had a severe mental problem, too and was under the care of a psychiatrist, taking medication (Rooz Online, September 26, 2010, Sorkh o Sabz, September 21, 2011).

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