Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Mohammad Amini

About

Age: 39
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Islam (Sunni)
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: October 8, 2022
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Karegar Street, Sanandaj, Kordestan Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm » targeting vital organs
Age at time of alleged offense: 39

About this Case

Mohammad Amini had participated several times in the demonstrations of 2022. In regards to the murder of Jina (Mahsa) Amini, he “felt committed. He called it the revolution of women and he said we should not be silent.”

Information about the arbitrary execution of Mr. Mohammad Amini, son of Mohammad and Ayesheh, was obtained from an interview conducted by Abdorrahman Boroumand Center with one of his relatives on two different occasions (April 24, 2024 and November 23, 2024). Additional information was collected from HRANA website (January 19, 2023 and August 30, 2024), Kurdistan Human Rights Network (October 10, 2022), Iran Wire (December 7, 2022), Radio Farda (July 8, 2023), KURDPA (July 6, 2023 and July 21, 2024), and Hengaw (August 31, 2024). 

Mr. Mohammad Amini was born on February 11, 1984, in Sanadaj, the center of Kurdistan Province, into a Kurdish Sunni family. His father was a simple laborer and he had six children. Mr. Amini went to elementary school and middle school in his native town. Due to financial difficulties, he was obliged to drop out of school and go to work. He was a construction contractor and he also worked in industrial gardening. Mr. Amini was single. He was building a residential building so that he could have a family. Mohammad Amini was “an honest person and he was popular among family members and neighbors.” (Center Interview with a relative, April 24, 2024) 

Mohammad Amini had participated several times in the protest demonstrations following the killing of Jina (Mahsa) Amini in 2022. He felt “committed” in regards to this event. He “called it the revolution of women and he would say we should not be silent.”  According to a relative, Mr. Amini believed “We should kiss the hands of these young people. They are very brave. When we were their age, we were afraid. They bravely come to the streets. We should not be silent. We should have their back and we should support them. We should participate in any way we can.” (Center Interview with a relative, April 24, 2024)

2022 (Mahsa Amini) Protest background

Nationwide protests were sparked by the death in custody of Ms. Jina Mahsa Amini, a 22-year old Kurdish woman, on September 16, 2022. Amini had been arrested by the morality police in Tehran for improper veiling on September 13 and sent brain dead to the hospital. The protests, which started in front of the hospital and continued in Saqqez County (Kurdistan Province) where Mahsa was buried, were triggered by popular exasperation over the morality patrols, misleading statements of the authorities regarding the cause of Mahsa’s killing and the resulting impunity for the violence used against detainees, as well as the mandatory veil in general. This protest, initially led by young girls and women who burned their veils and youth in general who chanted the slogan “Women, Life, Freedom,” rapidly took on a clear anti-regime tone, with protesters calling for an end to the Islamic Republic. The scope and duration of the protest was unprecedented. State efforts to withdraw the morality police from the streets and preventative arrests of journalists and political and civil society activists did not stop the protests. By the end of December 2022, protests had taken place in about 164 cities and towns, including localities that had never witnessed protests. Close to 150 universities, high schools, businesses, and groups including oil workers, merchants of the Tehran bazaar (among others), teachers, lawyers (at least 49 of whom had been arrested as of February 1st, 2023), artists, athletes, and even doctors joined these protests in various forms. Despite the violent crackdown and mass arrests, intense protests continued for weeks, at least through November 2022, with reports of sporadic activity continuing through the beginning of 2023.

The State’s crackdown was swift and accompanied by intermittent landline and cellular internet network shutdowns, as well as threats against and arrests of victims’ family members, factors which posed a serious challenge to monitoring protests and documenting casualties. The security forces used illegal, excessive, and lethal force with handguns, shotguns, and military assault rifles against protesters. They often targeted protesters’ heads and chests, shot them at close range, and in the back. Security forces have targeted faces with pellets, causing hundreds of protesters to lose their eyesight, and according to some reports women’s genitalia. The bloodiest crackdown took place on September 30th in Zahedan, Baluchestan Province, where a protest began at the end of the Friday sermon. The death toll is reported to be above 90 for that day. Many injured protesters, fearing arrest, did not go to hospitals where security forces have reportedly arrested injured protesters before and after they were treated.

According to reports from a human rights organization, at least 450 protesters were killed by fire from security forces during the protests, while thousands were wounded or arrested. In the twelve months after protests commenced, at least seven individuals were tried and executed in connection with the protests, without minimal standards of due process. Several others are faced with charges which could potentially result in capital punishment.

According to reliable published reports, a number of the families of killed protesters have been pressured by security bodies to record their slain loved ones as state forces, or to blame protesters for their deaths. In regions such as Kurdistan, security bodies have summoned some families to compel them to declare dissident Kurdish political parties responsible. Moreover, state media has reported that approximately 70 members of the security forces were killed in the protests.

Protesters, human rights groups, and the media have reported cases of beatings, torture (including to coerce confessions), and sexual assaults. Detainees have no access to lawyers during interrogations and their confessions are used in courts as evidence.

Public support and international solidarity with protesters have also been unprecedented (the use of the hashtag #MahsaAmini in Farsi and English broke world records) and on November 24, 2022, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution calling for the creation of a fact finding mission to “Thoroughly and independently investigate alleged human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran related to the protests that began on 16 September 2022, especially with respect to women and children.”

Background of the 2022 Protests in Sanandaj

Following the state murder of Jina Mahsa Amini on September 15, 2022, protests commenced at Jina’s funeral in her hometown of Saqqez and spread afterward to other cities in Kurdistan. Sanandaj was the first city where protesters turned out in solidarity with the people of Saqqez, and during the months-long duration of the “Women, Life, Freedom” uprising, various streets and neighborhood in Sanandaj witnessed ongoing anti-government protests. Sanandaj was the city with the highest number of Kurdish citizens who lost their lives in the uprising – 22 of 123 total throughout Iran. State forces first killed protesters in this city on October 8, 2022. Repression of popular protests in Sanandaj was so intense that Amnesty International warned in an October 10, 2022 statement of “widespread dimensions of repression,” with state forces using weapons of war and firing at houses.

Mr. Mohammad Amini’s arbitrary execution

On October 8, 2022, Mr. Mohammad Amini was wounded by military grade gunshots fired by security forces in the Karamozi Neighborhood of Sanandaj. He passed away a few hours later in Kowsar Jan Hospital (Kurdistan Human Rights Network, October 10, 2022).

On October 8, 2022, at about 5pm, Mr. Amini was returning home from his place of work. Popular protest demonstrations were going on at that time in his neighborhood, Karamozi area at Kargar Street. According to one of his relatives, he had gone to the street to join in with people. Around 8 pm, he was trying to help some young protestors who were being pursued by security forces. He rang a familiar neighbor’s doorbell and said, “I am not coming in, but please shelter these people.”  When the door opened he gestured to the youths to go in and hide in that house. As soon as the door was closed, shooting began. The homeowner immediately came outside. When he saw Mohammad Amini’s injured body he started shouting and the security forces and revolutionary corps in the area ran away. At about 8:20 pm, the family found out that Mr. Amini had been injured and that he had been transported to Kowsar Hospital in Sanadaj. When the family got to the hospital, the medical staff was trying to revive him. They performed surgery on him, but half an hour later he died from the severity of his injuries. According to a relative, three Kalashnikov bullets had hit him from behind, at a distance of less that 100 meters. One of the bullets had entered from the back and exited through his heart. (Center Interview with a relative, April 24, 2024)

When Mr. Amini passed away, the nurses and doctors were going to immediately send his body to the morgue. However, one of Mr. Amini’s brothers intervened, and anticipating possible problems for the family, he told the nurses, “Over my dead body. My brother has just died and I will not allow you to take him to the morgue.”  Citizens who were in the hospital for different reasons that night came to his aid. He was eventually able to take possession of his brother’s body, put it in the trunk of a car, and take it away from the hospital. On his way home, Mr. Amini’s brother found the streets leading to their home blocked by security forces. There were checkpoints where he was threatened to be shot if he did not turn around and go back. Since the agents had not discovered the body in the trunk, he was obliged to leave the city, and he drove ton their family village. (Center Interview with a relative, April 24, 2024)

Mr. Amini’s body got to the village around midnight. The family was worried that government agents would arrive and take the body with them. Therefore, they quickly buried the body in the village of Yunesabad, in the presence of a large number of family members and villagers who had been notified by phone on the way. After the interment, memorial gatherings were held for Mr. Amini. Even though government agents had threatened them and admonished them to refrain from holding any kind of ceremonies, they held memorial gatherings attended by family, relatives, and friends for three consecutive days in his home in Sanandaj, and three more consecutive days in the village where he had been born. (Center Interview with a relative, April 24, 2024)

Mr. Amini was 39 years old when he died.

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms.

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible:

a) Warning shots.

b) Shots aimed at the lower body.

c) Shots aimed at the upper body.

(Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

**Note 1:** If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Given this situation, the families of those killed in the recent protests should file a complaint of murder with the Armed Forces Prosecutor's Office against the law enforcement officials involved. Although the prosecutor's office is responsible for conducting its own investigation, it is important to file the complaint and request an autopsy and forensic analysis before the body is buried. In addition, if there are witnesses to the scene, their written statements should be obtained as soon as possible. Their identifying information should also be recorded so that it can be presented later in court. The prosecutor's office should be asked to review any available CCTV footage of the scene. A major problem in these cases is the unwillingness of prosecutors to conduct a complete investigation. Without a complete investigation, it is difficult for the victim's family to identify a specific official as the perpetrator or to prove that the shooting was intentional.

Legal proceedings

Mr. Amini’s family filed a complaint at the Public and Revolutionary Court of Sanandaj, after the killing of their son. The investigation of this case began in Branch 3 of the Public and Revolutionary Court of Sanandaj. After 5 months this Branch sent the case to Sanandaj Military Prosecutor’s Office. After that, the Military Prosecutor argued that Mohammad Amini had not been shot by military forces of Iran. They did not investigate the case, and they sent it to the Supreme Court to ascertain which agency should be in charge of investigating the case. After 7 months, the Supreme Court sent the case back to the Public and revolutionary court of Sanandaj and Branch 4 of the Judiciary of Sanandaj became responsible for the investigation. In response to the family following up on this investigation, the prosecutor of Branch 4 of Sanandaj Judiciary told them that he had inquired of all three agencies, police, revolutionary guards, and the information ministry, trying to ascertain which of them had been responsible for this killing, and that they had all said, “Our agents were not there.” (Center Interview with a relative, November 23, 2024) 

Officials’ Reaction

After his interment, security officials found Mr. Mohammad Amini’s phone number through information given at the hospital and also by investigating his car license plate. They contacted Mr. Amini’s family and objected to their having taken his body from the hospital without permission and for having laid it to rest. They also threatened the family that they would exhume the body since it had not been buried in the proper place. They went to the village to exhume the body, but the villagers would not allow them to do so. They also told the family they were not to have any kind of memorial gathering for him. Officials from the provincial governor’s office, the county office, and the information ministry of Sanandaj encouraged the family to accept blood money, thus dissuading them from filing a complaint against them. According to a relative, during phone conversations with the family, they insisted that the killing of Mr. Amini “was not done by government forces, rather it had been done by the enemies of the government.”  They told them to “go to the governor’s office, receive the blood money”, and “stop pursuing their complaint, [because] it was too late anyway.” (Center Interview with a relative, April 24, 2024)

About 9 months after the killing of Mr. Mohammad Amini, on June 9, 2023, his brother Hasan Amini was arrested near Saqqez. He had been on his way back from visiting the graves of people who had been killed during the protest demonstrations in Bukan, together with the rest of the families seeking justice. He was detained at the Information Office and Central Prison of Bukan in Western Azerbaijan. He had no access to legal aid or to his family. After about a week he was released temporarily on bail. During his temporary detention in Bukan, Mr. Amini was tortured by the agents. Several of his ribs were broken by beatings and he lost hearing in his left ear. On July 5, 2023, following his temporary release, Branch 101 of the Criminal Court of Bukan #2, convicted Mr. Amini of “Disrupting public order” because of his rallying the families who were seeking justice, and sentenced him to 6 and a half months prison and 40 lashes. The preliminary court not only deprived him of legal assistance, they announced his sentence in the courtroom, without a lawyer, and without having gone in front of a judge. On July 21, 2024, Mr. Amini was arrested in order to serve his sentence and he was taken to Sanandaj Prison. On August 29, 2024, after serving one month and 8 days of his sentence, he was released from Sanandaj Central Prison with an elelctronic anklet. He spent the rest of his sentence in his own home with restricted movement. (Center Interview with a relative, April 24, 2024; Radio Farda, July 8, 2023; KURDPA, July 6, 2023 and July 21, 2024; HERANA, August 30, 2024; Hengaw, August 31, 2024)

Families’ Reaction

Although the complaint filed by the Amini family has not been resolved after two years and three changes of venue in different branches of the Public and Revolutionary Court of Sanandaj, Sanandaj Military Court, and the Supreme Court, the family are still pursuing this case and “they will not sit back”. They hope “international agencies will put pressure on the Islamic Republic until they identify and try the killers.” (Center Interview with a relative, November 23, 2024)

The family of Mr. Amini have rejected the offer of “compensation and the acceptance of blood money” from government agencies and they said, “It is impossible for the blood of their loved one to be compensated.”  (Center Interview with a relative, April 24, 2024)

Impacts on Family

For a long time, the Amini family could not believe their son had been killed. Especially the father of Mohammad Amini, who in addition to having a father and son relationship, also had a work relationship with him. “After a long period of getting together with families of other martyrs and observing that they had also lost loved ones and that they were also terribly bereaved, the Amini family were able to console themselves.”  Socializing with families of martyrs helped them to feel a little bit better. (Center Interview with a relative, April 24, 2024)

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