Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Saleh Mohammadi

About

Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim
Civil Status: Unknown

Case

Date of Killing: March 19, 2026
Location of Killing: Qom, Qom Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Execution » Hanging
Charges: War on God

About this Case

He was a wrestling champion sentenced to death in an unfair, expedited trial and publicly executed.

Information regarding the execution of 19-year-old Saleh Mohammadi, son of Fatemeh and Mehdi, was gathered from reports published by Tasnim News Agency (March 19, 2026), Mizan News Agency (March 19, 2026), Iran International Television (February 11, 2026; March 19, 2026; and March 24, 2026), and Iran Human Rights Organization (February 12, 2026).

Saleh Mohammadi was born on March 11, 2007, in Qom, Iran. He was a wrestler and a member of Iran’s national freestyle wrestling team. In September 2024, while wearing the national team uniform, he won the bronze medal at the Saitiev International Wrestling Tournament in Krasnoyarsk, Russia. (Iran International Television, February 11, 2026, March 19, 2026, and March 24, 2026; Iran Human Rights Organization, February 12, 2026).

December 2025 Protest Backgrounder

(This background has been prepared based on the initial information at the start of the protests and will be updated at the earliest opportunity.)

On December 28, 2025, merchants in Tehran’s Grand Bazaar went on strike to protest the country’s deteriorating economic conditions. Protests were sparked by the rapid depreciation of the Iranian rial to the U.S. dollar which reached a record low of 1.4 million rial to dollar by late December. High inflation, reaching 42% by December, further deepened Iranians’ economic frustrations. By December 30, protests had spread to half of Iran’s provinces, including Alborz, Khuzestan, Fars, Hamedan, Kermanshah, Khorasan Razavi, West Azerbaijan, Hormozgan, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, Markazi, Isfahan, Zanjan, and Yazd. In addition to labor strikes, Iranians also held street gatherings and marches, and convened rallies at universities and outside government offices.  

During the first week, protest slogans largely focused on economic grievances and government corruption, but by the second week, evolved into anti-regime chants targeting the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and the Islamic Republic itself. Chants of “Death to Khamenei” were recorded in several cities including Tehran, Arak, Urmia, Qom, and Zahedan, as well as “death to the dictator”, “we don’t want an Islamic Republic”, and calls for a return of the Pahlavi dynasty: “Pahlavi will return”, and “long live the Shah”.  While economic hardships initially triggered the protests, protest demands increasingly evinced calls for an end to the theocratic government altogether. 

On January 8, the 12th day of protests, Iranian authorities instated a nationwide internet blackout. By this time, protests had spread to at least 22, a majority, of Iran’s provinces, half of which are minority regions, including Kurdistan and Khuzestan which experienced some of the largest protests outside of Tehran. According to the Human Rights Activist News Agency (HRANA), protests had taken place in at least 585 locations across 186 cities in all of Iran’s 31 provinces by the 15th day. Image and footage of scores of bodies in a makeshift morgue in Kahrizak Forensic Medical Center in Tehran surfaced online amid the blackout around January 10. Testimonies obtained by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC) described a chaotic environment at Kahrizak, with vehicles unloading piles of corpses, and people forced to identify their loved ones among the body bags strewn on the ground. 

ABC documented the first protester death on January 1st. ABC has received testimonies from several provinces, including Mashad, Tehran, Yazd, Kurdistan describing protesters shot in the heart, throat, or head, suggesting the security forces were shooting-to-kill. Eyewitnesses also described security forces' use of machine guns at protest sites, underscoring the indiscriminate and arbitrary nature of the shootings. It is difficult to ascertain the exact number of protesters killed due to the ongoing blackout as of this writing on January 15, 2025, but preliminary estimates indicate a high death toll, at minimum in the several hundred, but potentially in the thousands. 

Initial government statements varied at the onset of the protests, with President Masoud Pezeshkian instructing the Minister of the Interior to “engage in dialogue with the protesters’ representatives to address their legitimate demands” on December 30, 2025, with Ayatollah Khamenei stating during a Friday sermon on January 3, 2026 that, “officials must talk with protesters”, but added “rioters must be put in their place”. As protests became more widespread and focused their demands for an end to clerical rule, the Iranian government’s statements became more unified and hostile towards protesters. On January 5, Iran’s Chief Justice Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Eje’i said that the government would show no “leniency” towards protesters and called for expedited judicial proceedings. President Pezeshkian claimed protesters, or “rioters” were foreign agents, and that “These individuals were trained both inside and outside the country. Foreign terrorists were brought in to set fire to mosques, bazaars, and public spaces. They have killed people with guns, burned them, and beheaded others. Truly, such atrocities are not the work of our people.” On the same day on January 11, Iran’s Cabinet of Ministers released an official statement reiterating Pezeshkian’s statements, writing: “The Zionist regime and the criminal U.S ... have repeatedly emphasized their efforts to incite chaos. They have exploited the current situation by deploying mercenaries and terrorists across the country to attack and martyr a large number of our dear citizens, as well as our devoted police, Basij, and security forces”. On January 13, Ali Larijani, secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council stated, “We declare the names of the main killers of the people of Iran: 1 - Trump, 2 - Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu”. During an interview with Fox News on January 14, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi described reports that thousands of protesters had been killed by security forces as an "exaggeration" and “misinformation campaign”, and that the number of deaths were “only hundreds”. 

Abroad, U.S. President Donald Trump warned on January 1, “If Iran violently kills peaceful protesters…the United States will come to their rescue. We are locked and loaded and ready to go”. He took again to Truth Social, writing: “Iranian Patriots, KEEP PROTESTING - TAKE OVER YOUR INSTITUTIONS!!! Save the names of the killers and abusers. They will pay a big price” on January 13. Later that same day, he wrote, “HELP IS ON ITS WAY”. Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of Iran’s former Shah, also issued several statements echoing President Trump’s statements that foreign assistance was coming, and called for more strikes and demonstrations on January 10 and 11: “Our goal is no longer merely to come to the streets; the goal is to prepare for seizing the centers of cities and holding them”. 

On 1 February 2026, the Office of the President of Iran published a list containing the details of 2,986 individuals who were killed during the protests. On 3 February 2026, the number was increased to 3,038. (IRNA, 8 February 2026).

In an official statement, the Government of Iran emphasized that the list was compiled “by aggregating the names prepared by the Legal Medicine Organization of the country and cross-referencing them with the database of the National Organization for Civil Registration. The discrepancy of 131 individuals compared to the previously announced figures is due to a number of unidentified bodies and inconsistencies in the registration of national identification numbers of some of the deceased within the Civil Registration system, which will be corrected and reflected in a supplementary list as soon as the necessary amendments are made.”

At the time this list was published, the Boroumand Center’s ongoing and continuously updated list included names that did not appear in the government’s list. The Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) had also reported that it had documented more than 6,000 deaths.

Arrest and Detention

According to a report by the Iran Human Rights Organization, Saleh Mohammadi was arrested on January 15, 2026. The Tasnim News Agency reported that he and two other defendants were "quickly" arrested through security and intelligence measures. They were placed under temporary detention orders and confessed to the alleged charges during interrogation, investigation, and trial. However, no independent and verifiable information is available regarding the circumstances of his arrest, his access to family members, his place of detention, the duration of his solitary confinement, or the conditions of his interrogation. (Iran Human Rights Organization, February 12, 2026; Tasnim News Agency, March 19, 2026).

After the execution, media outlets linked to the Judiciary published a video depicting a crime scene reenactment. In the clip, Mr. Mohammadi demonstrates how he delivered knife blows in a setting that looks like a corridor of a judicial building. He states that he inflicted at least two blows and mentions the scene was crowded at the time of the crime, which made it difficult for him to identify the exact impact point. Since this reenactment was conducted while he was in detention and was released when independent sources indicated that confessions were made under duress, the video's reliability as evidence is questionable. (Mizan News Agency, March 19, 2026; Iran Human Rights Organization, February 12, 2026).

Trial

On February 3, 2026, the Criminal Court of Qom Province tried Mr. Saleh Mohammadi and his two co-defendants. (Iran Human Rights Organization, February 12, 2026).

Charges

The court charged Mr. Mohammadi with “moharebeh through the use of cold weapons during illegal gatherings and riots leading to the killing and martyrdom of a member of the law enforcement forces,” “operational action on behalf of the Zionist regime and the hostile government of the United States of America and their affiliated agents,” and “inciting people to wage war and engage in killing with the intent to disrupt the security of the country.” At the same time, Iran International reported that in the case concerning Saleh Mohammadi, the principal charge before Criminal Court One was intentional murder. (Tasnim News Agency, March 19, 2026; Mizan News Agency, March 19, 2026; Iran International, February 11, 2026)

Evidence of guilt 

According to Iran International, the court attributed the fatal blow to Saleh Mohammadi based on a forensic report, confessions obtained during interrogation, and testimony from individuals whose identities were not disclosed in the judgment. The Forensic Medicine Organization's report documented 29 injuries on the victim’s body and identified injury number 7 as the trauma that caused the officer’s death. The court attributed this injury to "Saleh Mohammadi's knife" and stated that its conclusion was based on "confessions obtained during interrogation." The Iran Human Rights Organization reported that the court also relied on confessions made during the crime scene reenactment, in addition to "eyewitness reports." However, Iran International reported that surveillance cameras did not capture Mr. Mohammadi's face. Based on the available information, it appears that the court relied largely on confessions and non-transparent witness testimony rather than clear, independently verifiable visual identification. (Iran International, February 11, 2026; Iran Human Rights Organization, February 12, 2026).

Defense 

According to Iran International Television's report of the court’s judgment, Saleh Mohammadi denied the murder charge, claiming his confessions were made under pressure during interrogation. His family also stated that he was at his uncle’s house at the time of the incident, but the court refused to summon and hear their testimony as defense witnesses. Moreover, his teammates, coaches, and fellow athletes confirmed he had no history of carrying or using a knife, which was used as evidence to argue against claims of violent behavior.

Additionally, Saleh Mohammadi’s family repeatedly tried to choose and appoint an independent lawyer. However, reports indicate that the court rejected the suggested attorneys and ultimately assigned a court-appointed lawyer instead. (Iran International, February 11, 2026).

Mr. Mohammadi’s family was unable to appoint an independent lawyer because the court rejected their proposed attorneys and instead assigned a court-appointed lawyer. The court's decision to issue the death sentence was based on testimonies from individuals whose identities were not revealed in the judgment. Additionally, the reliance on confessions obtained during interrogation highlights major flaws in this case's judicial process.

A Summary of the Legal Defects in Saleh Mohammadi’s Case

According to media reports, Mr. Saleh Mohammadi was arrested on January 15, 2026. On February 3, 2026, the first Criminal Court issued its judgment, and the execution was carried out on March 19, 2026. Thus, the entire process of the preliminary investigation, trial, and sentencing took approximately two months. In a case involving three defendants, two deaths, and allegations of moharebeh and operational activities on behalf of foreign governments, extensive investigations are required and will necessarily take a relatively long time. In other words, the investigative process in this case inherently requires significant time due to police and forensic examinations. Furthermore, adhering to procedural safeguards, such as the legally mandated timeframe between receiving a summons and appearing in court, along with statutory deadlines for appealing decisions made by the prosecutor's office and the court, would typically prevent a case from progressing from investigation to execution within  two months. For instance, if the trial court issued its judgment on March 5, 2026, the defendant would have 20 days to file an appeal. A case is transmitted to the Supreme Court only after all notifications have been properly served. Following submission to the Supreme Court, additional procedures, including assignment of the case to a judicial branch, require several weeks. Yet, it is evident that the proceedings in this case progressed with extraordinary speed. Under these circumstances, it is impossible to conclude that the defendant’s rights were respected or that the proceedings were conducted in accordance with the applicable legal requirements.

Mr. Mohammadi was sentenced to qesas for intentional murder. However, additional accusations were brought against him, including charges of moharebeh and acting on behalf of foreign governments. There is no information available regarding the outcome of any related Revolutionary Court proceedings. However, none of the reports published by domestic media outlets, particularly Mizan News Agency, indicate that he acted in support of the governments of Israel or the United States. In other words, neither the released video footage nor the court proceedings contains evidence of a connection between Mr. Mohammadi and foreign governments. Regarding the charge of moharebeh, the question of which actions by the defendant resulted in widespread fear and insecurity has not been addressed.

According to reports, the two officers killed died from multiple blows inflicted by a large number of individuals. Reports have cited 29 injuries on one of the deceased officers' bodies. Determining which blow or blows were fatal would not have been simple and would have required a careful forensic examination by the Forensic Medicine Organization. There are serious doubts about whether the necessary examinations were conducted, particularly given the rapid pace of the preliminary investigation. For example, in the crime scene reenactment released by domestic media, there are serious inconsistencies in Mr. Mohammadi’s statements regarding the number of blows, the manner in which they were delivered, and the parts of the victim’s body that were struck. The reenactment does not make clear whether the blows attributed to him were fatal or merely caused bodily injury. Furthermore, according to official news agencies, Mr. Mohammadi and two other individuals committed the killings at two separate locations. In other words, the officers were not killed in the same place or at the same time. However, the crime scene reenactment addresses only a single killing. Therefore, it remains unclear whether Mr. Mohammadi participated in both killings or whether his actions in one instance resulted in death and in another merely caused injury. In other words, the role of each defendant in the two killings has not been clearly established.

According to human rights sources, Mr. Mohammadi was not permitted to hire his own attorney; instead, he was assigned a court-appointed lawyer from the outset. This practice, common in security-related cases, violates the provisions of the Criminal Procedure Code because defendants have the right to be represented by counsel of their choosing at trial.

Based on information published by domestic news agencies, the primary basis for the convictions of Mr. Saleh Mohammadi and the two other defendants appears to have been their confessions. While these reports repeatedly refer to confessions and crime scene reenactments, the nature of the case suggests that additional forms of evidence, such as surveillance camera footage and forensic examination results, should have been included in the case file. In other words, it seems the judicial authorities focused on lending credibility to the defendants’ confessions rather than adequately investigating how they were obtained.

Judgmen

The first Criminal Court of Qom Province sentenced Saleh Mohammadi to death on charges of intentional murder and moharebeh, specifying that the execution would be carried out publicly by hanging in Nobovat Square in Qom. (Iran International, February 10, 2026).

The Supreme Court subsequently upheld the sentence. (Tasnim News Agency, March 19, 2026).

According to the court’s ruling, he was sentenced to death and ordered to pay diya (blood money) for the injuries inflicted. The initial judgment was appealable. (Iran International, February 10, 2026).

After obtaining the necessary authorization, Mr. Mohammadi and two other defendants were publicly hanged on Thursday morning, March 19, 2026, in the presence of a group of local residents of Qom. (Tasnim News Agency, March 19, 2026).

On the afternoon of Friday, March 20, 2026, security officials notified Mr. Mohammadi’s family about his burial site at Behesht-e Ma’sumeh Cemetery in Qom after his execution. They not only denied the family permission to hold a funeral but also removed condolence banners placed outside their home. Despite this, on March 21, 2026, people gathered with the family at the gravesite for a memorial service. (Iran International, March 23, 2026)

In a video from the gathering, Mr. Mohammadi’s father was seen holding his son’s championship belt and saying, “My son became a champion.” The report highlighted that, despite security restrictions and efforts to prevent the gathering, family members and attendees were eventually able to visit the gravesite and hold a memorial ceremony. (Iran International, March 23, 2026).

The execution of Saleh Mohammadi triggered widespread anger and mourning among Olympic athletes worldwide. Brandon Slay, a former Olympic wrestling champion, expressed his profound sorrow, calling the execution of the young athlete "unbelievable" and extending condolences to his family. Tyler Clary, an Olympic swimmer, criticized the ruling, calling it the result of an unjust judicial process and a system that punishes athletes rather than protecting them. Three-time Olympic champion Kaillie Humphries called the event "disgusting" and a "dark day for the global sports community," highlighting the stark contrast between the freedoms athletes enjoy in democratic countries and the restrictions they face in Iran. Katie Uhlaender demanded urgent international action, insisting that silence is no longer an option and that global organizations have a duty to protect athletes' lives. (Iran International, March 22, 2026).

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