Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Mostafa Khorsandian

About

Age: 25
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim
Civil Status: Unknown

Case

Date of Killing: January 8, 2026
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Rudbar, Gilan Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm » targeting vital organs

About this Case

He was buried without a ritual washing, still wearing the clothes he wore when he was killed.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of 25-year-old Mostafa Khorsandian, son of Mojtaba, was gathered from the website of Radio Farda (January 29, 2026), the Instagram page of Hirkani (February 4, 2026), Manoto TV (February 20, 2026), IranWire (February 28, 2026), and the Instagram page of Rudbar Darestan (February 5, 2026).

Mr. Khorsandian’s name is listed in the first column of a document published by the Rudbar Governorate, which records individuals killed during the 2025-2026 protests in the city (Diyar-e Mirza News Website, February 3, 2026). However, his name does not appear on the list issued by the Iranian presidential Office, which identifies those who died during the January 2026 protests (ABC research).

Mr. Khorsandian, born in 2000, was originally from Rudbar County and lived in Rasht. He worked as a mechanic at an auto repair shop. According to his acquaintances, Mr. Khorsandian was a hardworking individual who, despite economic hardships, sought to support himself and remain independent. (Radio Farda, January 29, 2026).

Relatives described him as socially and politically aware and critical of the country’s conditions. According to them, he often spoke about living conditions and the challenges he faced in recent years. He believed that achieving freedom required effort and persistence. One relative said he repeatedly emphasized that if living conditions had been better, he “would not have been forced to struggle so hard for freedom.” Despite these hardships, he chose to participate in protests. (Radio Farda, January 29, 2026).

His family history also includes traumatic political events. Reports indicate that Mr. Khorsandian’s maternal uncle, Mr. Mehdi Maddah Darestani, was executed by the Islamic Republic authorities in 1988. (Hirkani, February 4, 2026).

This case concerns the killing of Mr. Khorsandian during the January 2026 protests in Rudbar. 

December 2025 Protest Background

(This background has been prepared based on the initial information at the start of the protests and will be updated at the earliest opportunity.)

On December 28, 2025, merchants in Tehran’s Grand Bazaar went on strike to protest the country’s deteriorating economic conditions. Protests were sparked by the rapid depreciation of the Iranian rial to the U.S. dollar which reached a record low of 1.4 million rial to dollar by late December. High inflation, reaching 42% by December, further deepened Iranians’ economic frustrations. By December 30, protests had spread to half of Iran’s provinces, including Alborz, Khuzestan, Fars, Hamedan, Kermanshah, Khorasan Razavi, West Azerbaijan, Hormozgan, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, Markazi, Isfahan, Zanjan, and Yazd. In addition to labor strikes, Iranians also held street gatherings and marches, and convened rallies at universities and outside government offices.  

During the first week, protest slogans largely focused on economic grievances and government corruption, but by the second week, evolved into anti-regime chants targeting the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and the Islamic Republic itself. Chants of “Death to Khamenei” were recorded in several cities including Tehran, Arak, Urmia, Qom, and Zahedan, as well as “death to the dictator”, “we don’t want an Islamic Republic”, and calls for a return of the Pahlavi dynasty: “Pahlavi will return”, and “long live the Shah”.  While economic hardships initially triggered the protests, protest demands increasingly evinced calls for an end to the theocratic government altogether. 

On January 8, the 12th day of protests, Iranian authorities instated a nationwide internet blackout. By this time, protests had spread to at least 22, a majority, of Iran’s provinces, half of which are minority regions, including Kurdistan and Khuzestan which experienced some of the largest protests outside of Tehran. According to the Human Rights Activist News Agency (HRANA), protests had taken place in at least 585 locations across 186 cities in all of Iran’s 31 provinces by the 15th day. Image and footage of scores of bodies in a makeshift morgue in Kahrizak Forensic Medical Center in Tehran surfaced online amid the blackout around January 10. Testimonies obtained by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC) described a chaotic environment at Kahrizak, with vehicles unloading piles of corpses, and people forced to identify their loved ones among the body bags strewn on the ground. 

ABC documented the first protester death on January 1st. ABC has received testimonies from several provinces, including Mashad, Tehran, Yazd, Kurdistan describing protesters shot in the heart, throat, or head, suggesting the security forces were shooting-to-kill. Eyewitnesses also described security forces' use of machine guns at protest sites, underscoring the indiscriminate and arbitrary nature of the shootings. It is difficult to ascertain the exact number of protesters killed due to the ongoing blackout as of this writing on January 15, 2025, but preliminary estimates indicate a high death toll, at minimum in the several hundred, but potentially in the thousands.  

Initial government statements varied at the onset of the protests, with President Masoud Pezeshkian instructing the Minister of the Interior to “engage in dialogue with the protesters’ representatives to address their legitimate demands” on December 30, 2025, with Ayatollah Khamenei stating during a Friday sermon on January 3, 2026 that, “officials must talk with protesters”, but added “rioters must be put in their place”. As protests became more widespread and focused their demands for an end to clerical rule, the Iranian government’s statements became more unified and hostile towards protesters. On January 5, Iran’s Chief Justice Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Eje’i said that the government would show no “leniency” towards protesters and called for expedited judicial proceedings. President Pezeshkian claimed protesters, or “rioters” were foreign agents, and that “These individuals were trained both inside and outside the country. Foreign terrorists were brought in to set fire to mosques, bazaars, and public spaces. They have killed people with guns, burned them, and beheaded others. Truly, such atrocities are not the work of our people.” On the same day on January 11, Iran’s Cabinet of Ministers released an official statement reiterating Pezeshkian’s statements, writing: “The Zionist regime and the criminal U.S ... have repeatedly emphasized their efforts to incite chaos. They have exploited the current situation by deploying mercenaries and terrorists across the country to attack and martyr a large number of our dear citizens, as well as our devoted police, Basij, and security forces”. On January 13, Ali Larijani, secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council stated, “We declare the names of the main killers of the people of Iran: 1 - Trump, 2 - Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu”. During an interview with Fox News on January 14, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi described reports that thousands of protesters had been killed by security forces as an "exaggeration" and “misinformation campaign”, and that the number of deaths were “only hundreds”.  

Abroad, U.S. President Donald Trump warned on January 1, “If Iran violently kills peaceful protesters…the United States will come to their rescue. We are locked and loaded and ready to go”. He took again to Truth Social, writing: “Iranian Patriots, KEEP PROTESTING - TAKE OVER YOUR INSTITUTIONS!!! Save the names of the killers and abusers. They will pay a big price” on January 13. Later that same day, he wrote, “HELP IS ON ITS WAY”. Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of Iran’s former Shah, also issued several statements echoing President Trump’s statements that foreign assistance was coming, and called for more strikes and demonstrations on January 10 and 11: “Our goal is no longer merely to come to the streets; the goal is to prepare for seizing the centers of cities and holding them”. 

On 1 February 2026, the Office of the President of Iran published a list containing the details of 2,986 individuals who were killed during the protests. On 3 February 2026, the number was increased to 3,038. (IRNA, 8 February 2026).

In an official statement, the Government of Iran emphasized that the list was compiled “by aggregating the names prepared by the Legal Medicine Organization of the country and cross-referencing them with the database of the National Organization for Civil Registration. The discrepancy of 131 individuals compared to the previously announced figures is due to a number of unidentified bodies and inconsistencies in the registration of national identification numbers of some of the deceased within the Civil Registration system, which will be corrected and reflected in a supplementary list as soon as the necessary amendments are made.”

At the time this list was published, the Boroumand Center’s ongoing and continuously updated list included names that did not appear in the government’s list. The Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) had also reported that it had documented more than 6,000 deaths.

Mr. Mostafa Khorsandian’s arbitrary execution

According to available information, Mr. Khorsandian died on Thursday, January 8, 2026, during protests near Police Station No. 11 in Rudbar. He was shot in the chest with a live round by members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). (Radio Farda, January 29, 2026; Hirkani, February 4, 2026).

According to reports, Mr. Khorsandian was wearing a red jacket during the shooting, making him a visible target in the crowd. (Radio Farda, January 29, 2026)

After Mr. Khorsandian’s death, his family faced challenges in locating and retrieving his body. It took several days of repeated inquiries before they discovered it was being held at Vali-e Asr Hospital in Rudbar. Nevertheless, hospital officials refused to release the body, claiming they lacked the necessary permission. The family’s efforts to secure the body through the judicial authorities also failed. (Radio Farda, January 29, 2026)

According to available information, Mr. Khorsandian’s family grew concerned after hearing distressing reports circulating among families of those killed during the Rudbar protests. These reports implied that the victims’ bodies could be transferred to Rasht. In response, Mr. Khorsandian’s family forcibly entered the Rudbar hospital morgue and took his body away in a private vehicle. (Radio Farda, January 29, 2026; Hirkani, February 4, 2026)

Mr. Khorsandian’s family broke into the morgue and took his body away in a private vehicle.

Mr. Khorsandian was laid to rest early on January 9, 2026, at the Taklim neighborhood cemetery in Rudbar. The burial was conducted without the customary procedures, including ritual washing, and he was buried in the same clothes he wore at the time of his death.

Memorial ceremonies marking the third and fortieth days after Mr. Khorsandian’s death were held in the presence of family members and Rudbar residents. During the fortieth-day ceremony, attendees sang the national anthem "Ey Iran" in unison to express support for him. (Manoto TV, February 20, 2026; Rudbar Instagram page, February 5, 2026).

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms. 

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible: a) Warning shots; b) Shots aimed at the lower body; c) Shots aimed at the upper body. (Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

Note 1:If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary". 

Officials’ Reaction

Hospital officials and judicial authorities refused to return Mr. Khorsandian’s body to his family. (Radio Farda, January 29, 2026).

Familys’ Reaction

A relative noted that, despite her son's death, Mrs. Khorsandian showed impressive strength and calmness. She advised others not to interfere to avoid possible complications. She also asked those nearby not to weep at her son’s grave and personally oversaw the burial arrangements until the interment. (Radio Farda, January 29, 2026).

People close to Mr. Khorsandian say his family is still waiting for his name to be officially included among the victims, so that "his blood will not be disregarded in silence." (Radio Farda, January 29, 2026)

At the fortieth-day memorial, Mr. Khorsandian’s mother requested attendees to applaud rather than cry, saying, "My son is a symbol of pride for Iran." (Manoto TV, February 20, 2026)

Impacts on Family

According to available information, Mostafa Khorsandian's death deeply affected his family. As noted on Hirkani's Instagram page, the family had already experienced trauma from state violence, when his maternal uncle was executed in 1988. Therefore, Mostafa’s death amid the protests further heightened this emotional pain for his family. (Hirkani, February 4, 2026)

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