Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Melika Dastyab

About

Age: 20
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Other
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: January 8, 2026
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Kermanshah, Kermanshah Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm » targeting vital organs

About this Case

Ms. Melika Dastyab was killed by official forces while participating in public protests in Kermanshah. At the moment of her death, she was holding her father's hand.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Ms. Melika Dastyab was obtained from an interview conducted by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC) with an informed person on February 13, 2026, a report by Kurdpa News Agency (January 20, 2026), and additional information from the official Hawza News Agency (February 10, 2026). Her name is also listed as entry number 3005 on a list published by the Iranian Presidential Office. (Islamic Republic of Iran Presidential Information Center, February 1, 2026).

According to an informed person, Melika Dastyab was born on February 4, 2005, in Kermanshah. She was her family’s eldest child and was a final-year undergraduate student of economics at Payam Noor University in Kermanshah. Besides her academic pursuits, she was passionate about music, poetry, and literature. (Interview with an informed source, February 13 and 24, 2026).

Approximately two years before her death, following her mother's passing, Melika took on more responsibilities within the family, alongside her father, and began taking care of her younger sister. (Interview with an informed source, February 13, 2026).

On January 8, 2026, amid growing public protests in Kermanshah, Melika urged her father to participate. She reportedly told him: "Dad, our lives are no more precious than those of these young protesters. Because you are brave, come with me. Let’s join the demonstrations." (Interview with an informed source, February 13, 2026)

December 2025 Protest Background

(This background has been prepared based on the initial information at the start of the protests and will be updated at the earliest opportunity.)

On December 28, 2025, merchants in Tehran’s Grand Bazaar went on strike to protest the country’s deteriorating economic conditions. Protests were sparked by the rapid depreciation of the Iranian rial to the U.S. dollar which reached a record low of 1.4 million rial to dollar by late December. High inflation, reaching 42% by December, further deepened Iranians’ economic frustrations. By December 30, protests had spread to half of Iran’s provinces, including Alborz, Khuzestan, Fars, Hamedan, Kermanshah, Khorasan Razavi, West Azerbaijan, Hormozgan, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, Markazi, Isfahan, Zanjan, and Yazd. In addition to labor strikes, Iranians also held street gatherings and marches, and convened rallies at universities and outside government offices.  

During the first week, protest slogans largely focused on economic grievances and government corruption, but by the second week, evolved into anti-regime chants targeting the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and the Islamic Republic itself. Chants of “Death to Khamenei” were recorded in several cities including Tehran, Arak, Urmia, Qom, and Zahedan, as well as “death to the dictator”, “we don’t want an Islamic Republic”, and calls for a return of the Pahlavi dynasty: “Pahlavi will return”, and “long live the Shah”.  While economic hardships initially triggered the protests, protest demands increasingly evinced calls for an end to the theocratic government altogether. 

On January 8, the 12th day of protests, Iranian authorities instated a nationwide internet blackout. By this time, protests had spread to at least 22, a majority, of Iran’s provinces, half of which are minority regions, including Kurdistan and Khuzestan which experienced some of the largest protests outside of Tehran. According to the Human Rights Activist News Agency (HRANA), protests had taken place in at least 585 locations across 186 cities in all of Iran’s 31 provinces by the 15th day. Image and footage of scores of bodies in a makeshift morgue in Kahrizak Forensic Medical Center in Tehran surfaced online amid the blackout around January 10. Testimonies obtained by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC) described a chaotic environment at Kahrizak, with vehicles unloading piles of corpses, and people forced to identify their loved ones among the body bags strewn on the ground.  

ABC documented the first protester death on January 1st. ABC has received testimonies from several provinces, including Mashad, Tehran, Yazd, Kurdistan describing protesters shot in the heart, throat, or head, suggesting the security forces were shooting-to-kill. Eyewitnesses also described security forces' use of machine guns at protest sites, underscoring the indiscriminate and arbitrary nature of the shootings. It is difficult to ascertain the exact number of protesters killed due to the ongoing blackout as of this writing on January 15, 2025, but preliminary estimates indicate a high death toll, at minimum in the several hundred, but potentially in the thousands. 

Initial government statements varied at the onset of the protests, with President Masoud Pezeshkian instructing the Minister of the Interior to “engage in dialogue with the protesters’ representatives to address their legitimate demands” on December 30, 2025, with Ayatollah Khamenei stating during a Friday sermon on January 3, 2026 that, “officials must talk with protesters”, but added “rioters must be put in their place”. As protests became more widespread and focused their demands for an end to clerical rule, the Iranian government’s statements became more unified and hostile towards protesters. On January 5, Iran’s Chief Justice Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Eje’i said that the government would show no “leniency” towards protesters and called for expedited judicial proceedings. President Pezeshkian claimed protesters, or “rioters” were foreign agents, and that “These individuals were trained both inside and outside the country. Foreign terrorists were brought in to set fire to mosques, bazaars, and public spaces. They have killed people with guns, burned them, and beheaded others. Truly, such atrocities are not the work of our people.” On the same day on January 11, Iran’s Cabinet of Ministers released an official statement reiterating Pezeshkian’s statements, writing: “The Zionist regime and the criminal U.S ... have repeatedly emphasized their efforts to incite chaos. They have exploited the current situation by deploying mercenaries and terrorists across the country to attack and martyr a large number of our dear citizens, as well as our devoted police, Basij, and security forces”. On January 13, Ali Larijani, secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council stated, “We declare the names of the main killers of the people of Iran: 1 - Trump, 2 - Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu”. During an interview with Fox News on January 14, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi described reports that thousands of protesters had been killed by security forces as an "exaggeration" and “misinformation campaign”, and that the number of deaths were “only hundreds”.  

Abroad, U.S. President Donald Trump warned on January 1, “If Iran violently kills peaceful protesters…the United States will come to their rescue. We are locked and loaded and ready to go”. He took again to Truth Social, writing: “Iranian Patriots, KEEP PROTESTING - TAKE OVER YOUR INSTITUTIONS!!! Save the names of the killers and abusers. They will pay a big price” on January 13. Later that same day, he wrote, “HELP IS ON ITS WAY”. Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of Iran’s former Shah, also issued several statements echoing President Trump’s statements that foreign assistance was coming, and called for more strikes and demonstrations on January 10 and 11: “Our goal is no longer merely to come to the streets; the goal is to prepare for seizing the centers of cities and holding them”. 

On 1 February 2026, the Office of the President of Iran published a list containing the details of 2,986 individuals who were killed during the protests. On 3 February 2026, the number was increased to 3,038. (IRNA, 8 February 2026).

In an official statement, the Government of Iran emphasized that the list was compiled “by aggregating the names prepared by the Legal Medicine Organization of the country and cross-referencing them with the database of the National Organization for Civil Registration. The discrepancy of 131 individuals compared to the previously announced figures is due to a number of unidentified bodies and inconsistencies in the registration of national identification numbers of some of the deceased within the Civil Registration system, which will be corrected and reflected in a supplementary list as soon as the necessary amendments are made.”

At the time this list was published, the Boroumand Center’s ongoing and continuously updated list included names that did not appear in the government’s list. The Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) had also reported that it had documented more than 6,000 deaths.

Ms Melika Dastyab’s arbitrary execution

Based on available information, Melika Dastyab was fatally shot in the head with live ammunition by plainclothes officials while attending a demonstration on Attar Street in Mo'allem Township, Kermanshah, around 9:00 p.m. on January 8, 2026. She was holding her father’s hand at the time. (Interview with an informed source, February 13, 2026).

“Dad, our life isn’t more precious than these young people. Since my father is brave, let’s also join the protests.”

According to an informed person interviewed by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC), after Ms. Dastyab was killed, her father took her body to Taleghani Hospital in Kermanshah. The hospital physician’s report emphasized that Ms. Dastyab was in critical condition when she arrived and that initial resuscitation measures were performed.

According to this person, Melika’s body was sent to the Forensic Medicine Organization in Kermanshah after the medical examination. (Interview with an informed source on February 13 and 24, 2026).

The document titled "Referral of the Body to the Forensic Medicine Organization," issued by Kermanshah University of Medical Sciences, indicates that Ms. Dastyab "had no vital signs after being transported to the hospital due to head trauma from a hard object. Upon arrival, her condition was extremely critical. Initial medical interventions and resuscitation efforts were undertaken. Despite these efforts and cardiopulmonary resuscitation, her condition did not improve. The attending physician stated that to determine the precise cause of death, the body should be referred to the Forensic Medicine Organization. (Document from the Ministry of Health, Treatment and Medical Education, Kermanshah University of Medical Sciences).

Ms. Dastyab was laid to rest on the morning of Friday, January 9, 2026, attended by a small group of Yarsan members and relatives. A collective mourning ritual called "Chamari," featuring traditional drums and the sorna, took place beside her mother’s grave at Shava Cemetery in Karand-e Gharb, Dalahu County, Kermanshah. (Interview with an informed source, February 13 and 24, 2026; Kurdpa News Agency, January 20, 2026).

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms. 

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible: a) Warning shots; b) Shots aimed at the lower body; c) Shots aimed at the upper body. (Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

Note 1:If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary". 

Officials’ Reaction

The Martyrs Foundation and the Security Council pressured Ms. Melika Dastyab’s father to submit her name for official recognition as a martyr. They offered to significantly increase the blood money if he agreed. According to an informed person, pressure from security agencies on the family to accept this proposal continued until one week before the fortieth day following Ms. Dastyab’s death. (Interview with an informed source, February 13, 2026).

Shamsollah Jalilian, head of the Office representing the Supreme Leader at the Hazrat Nabi Akram IRGC Corps in Kermanshah Province, met with Basij members and commended their efforts in responding to the protests. He described their actions as evidence of their ongoing loyalty to the Velayat-e Faqih doctrine. (Hawza News Agency, February 10, 2026).

Family' s Reaction

In response to pressure from Iran's security agencies to declare Ms. Melika Dastyab a martyr and accept blood money, her family stated that they would never negotiate over her blood. They also said that if her body was not returned, they would join the public protests.

Impacts on Family

Following Melika’s killing, her family endured deep psychological trauma. Her father said they would never return to normal life again and that losing Melika meant losing a major emotional and spiritual support for the family.

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Ahl-e Haq

Ahl-e Haq is an internal, mystical faith, founded in the 14th century by Sulta Eshaq. It is established upon deeply felt spiritual and religious premises. Although Ali Ibn Abitaleb, the first Shi’a Imam, holds an important and pivotal place in Ahl-e Haq beliefs, this creed is not, however, solely an Islamic sect; it encompasses a collection of Zoroastrian, Manichaeist, Christian, and Jewish beliefs. Ahl-e Haq believes in resurrection (the continuation of life after death in another body) and in unity (God entering a body, object, or place), but does not believe in judgment day (heaven and hell). Purity, truth, nonexistence (degenerating desires to reach to or toward God), and reda (sacrificing oneself and providing services to help human beings) are the four pillars of Ahl-e Haq. “Kalam-e Saranjam” is their central holy book. “Jamkhaneh” is their place of worship and collective prayer, which, in most regions, is accompanied by the musical instrument, the tanbur. Ahl-e Haq adherents live in Iran in parts of the provinces of Kurdistan, Kermanshah, Azarbaijan, Zanjan, Hamedan, and Lorestan, as well as in Turkey, Iraq, Syria, Albania, and Afghanistan. Sultan Eshaq divides the Ahl-e Haq into seven main Families, to which four other Families were added in the 18th and 19th centuries, among them the Atashbeigi Family. The leader of the Atashbeigi Family is Nezamoddin Mosha’shai. The Atashbeigi live in the regions of Lorestan, Hersin in Kermanshah, and Ilkhchi in Azarbaijan.

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