Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Amir Bashiri Chalgasari

About

Age: 19
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: January 8, 2026
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Rasht, Gilan Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm » targeting vital organs

About this Case

Eyewitnesses who saw Amir during the protests recounted stories of him with his family, describing him as brave and committed to helping the injured before his death.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of 19-year-old Amir Bashiri Chalgasari, son of Reza and Romiya, was obtained through an ABC interview with an informed person conducted on February 2 and February 8, 2026, a report by the Kurdistan Human Rights Network (January 25, 2026), and a report published by Khabar Online News Agency on February 7, 2026.

Mr. Bashiri Chalgasari’s name is listed as number 1158 on a list published by the Office of the President of Iran. (Official Website of the Presidency of the Islamic Republic of Iran, February 1, 2026).

Amir Bashiri Chalgasari was born in Rudbar, a city in Gilan Province. His parents divorced when he was six. According to the laws of the Islamic Republic of Iran, at age seven he was taken from his mother and placed under his father's custody. This caused him to be separated from his mother for several years. After turning twelve, he managed to contact his mother again through his own persistence and resilience. Over time, they gradually rebuilt their relationship. (ABC interview with an informed person, February 2, 2026).

According to an informed person, Mr. Chalgasari had a strong interest in soccer and completed his education through high school despite the difficult circumstances he grew up in. (ABC interview with an informed person, February 2, 2026).

The same person mentioned, he had found a job at a restaurant where he met a young woman he planned to marry. His mother promised that, after he completed his mandatory military service and secured a stable job, she would formally propose marriage to the young woman's family on his behalf. (ABC interview with an informed person, February 2, 2026). 

December 2025 Protest Background

(This background has been prepared based on the initial information at the start of the protests and will be updated at the earliest opportunity.)

On December 28, 2025, merchants in Tehran’s Grand Bazaar went on strike to protest the country’s deteriorating economic conditions. Protests were sparked by the rapid depreciation of the Iranian rial to the U.S. dollar which reached a record low of 1.4 million rial to dollar by late December. High inflation, reaching 42% by December, further deepened Iranians’ economic frustrations. By December 30, protests had spread to half of Iran’s provinces, including Alborz, Khuzestan, Fars, Hamedan, Kermanshah, Khorasan Razavi, West Azerbaijan, Hormozgan, Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari, Markazi, Isfahan, Zanjan, and Yazd. In addition to labor strikes, Iranians also held street gatherings and marches, and convened rallies at universities and outside government offices.  

During the first week, protest slogans largely focused on economic grievances and government corruption, but by the second week, evolved into anti-regime chants targeting the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and the Islamic Republic itself. Chants of “Death to Khamenei” were recorded in several cities including Tehran, Arak, Urmia, Qom, and Zahedan, as well as “death to the dictator”, “we don’t want an Islamic Republic”, and calls for a return of the Pahlavi dynasty: “Pahlavi will return”, and “long live the Shah”.  While economic hardships initially triggered the protests, protest demands increasingly evinced calls for an end to the theocratic government altogether.

On January 8, the 12th day of protests, Iranian authorities instated a nationwide internet blackout. By this time, protests had spread to at least 22, a majority, of Iran’s provinces, half of which are minority regions, including Kurdistan and Khuzestan which experienced some of the largest protests outside of Tehran. According to the Human Rights Activist News Agency (HRANA), protests had taken place in at least 585 locations across 186 cities in all of Iran’s 31 provinces by the 15th day. Image and footage of scores of bodies in a makeshift morgue in Kahrizak Forensic Medical Center in Tehran surfaced online amid the blackout around January 10. Testimonies obtained by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC) described a chaotic environment at Kahrizak, with vehicles unloading piles of corpses, and people forced to identify their loved ones among the body bags strewn on the ground.  

ABC documented the first protester death on January 1st. ABC has received testimonies from several provinces, including Mashad, Tehran, Yazd, Kurdistan describing protesters shot in the heart, throat, or head, suggesting the security forces were shooting-to-kill. Eyewitnesses also described security forces' use of machine guns at protest sites, underscoring the indiscriminate and arbitrary nature of the shootings. It is difficult to ascertain the exact number of protesters killed due to the ongoing blackout as of this writing on January 15, 2025, but preliminary estimates indicate a high death toll, at minimum in the several hundred, but potentially in the thousands.  

Initial government statements varied at the onset of the protests, with President Masoud Pezeshkian instructing the Minister of the Interior to “engage in dialogue with the protesters’ representatives to address their legitimate demands” on December 30, 2025, with Ayatollah Khamenei stating during a Friday sermon on January 3, 2026 that, “officials must talk with protesters”, but added “rioters must be put in their place”. As protests became more widespread and focused their demands for an end to clerical rule, the Iranian government’s statements became more unified and hostile towards protesters. On January 5, Iran’s Chief Justice Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Eje’i said that the government would show no “leniency” towards protesters and called for expedited judicial proceedings. President Pezeshkian claimed protesters, or “rioters” were foreign agents, and that “These individuals were trained both inside and outside the country. Foreign terrorists were brought in to set fire to mosques, bazaars, and public spaces. They have killed people with guns, burned them, and beheaded others. Truly, such atrocities are not the work of our people.” On the same day on January 11, Iran’s Cabinet of Ministers released an official statement reiterating Pezeshkian’s statements, writing: “The Zionist regime and the criminal U.S ... have repeatedly emphasized their efforts to incite chaos. They have exploited the current situation by deploying mercenaries and terrorists across the country to attack and martyr a large number of our dear citizens, as well as our devoted police, Basij, and security forces”. On January 13, Ali Larijani, secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council stated, “We declare the names of the main killers of the people of Iran: 1 - Trump, 2 - Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu”. During an interview with Fox News on January 14, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi described reports that thousands of protesters had been killed by security forces as an "exaggeration" and “misinformation campaign”, and that the number of deaths were “only hundreds”.  

Abroad, U.S. President Donald Trump warned on January 1, “If Iran violently kills peaceful protesters…the United States will come to their rescue. We are locked and loaded and ready to go”. He took again to Truth Social, writing: “Iranian Patriots, KEEP PROTESTING - TAKE OVER YOUR INSTITUTIONS!!! Save the names of the killers and abusers. They will pay a big price” on January 13. Later that same day, he wrote, “HELP IS ON ITS WAY”. Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of Iran’s former Shah, also issued several statements echoing President Trump’s statements that foreign assistance was coming, and called for more strikes and demonstrations on January 10 and 11: “Our goal is no longer merely to come to the streets; the goal is to prepare for seizing the centers of cities and holding them”. 

On 1 February 2026, the Office of the President of Iran published a list containing the details of 2,986 individuals who were killed during the protests. On 3 February 2026, the number was increased to 3,038. (IRNA, 8 February 2026).

In an official statement, the Government of Iran emphasized that the list was compiled “by aggregating the names prepared by the Legal Medicine Organization of the country and cross-referencing them with the database of the National Organization for Civil Registration. The discrepancy of 131 individuals compared to the previously announced figures is due to a number of unidentified bodies and inconsistencies in the registration of national identification numbers of some of the deceased within the Civil Registration system, which will be corrected and reflected in a supplementary list as soon as the necessary amendments are made.”

At the time this list was published, the Boroumand Center’s ongoing and continuously updated list included names that did not appear in the government’s list. The Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) had also reported that it had documented more than 6,000 deaths.

Mr. Amir Bashiri Chalgasari’s arbitrary execution

According to available information, Mr. Amir Bashiri Chalgasari was shot and killed by the Islamic Republic of Iran's government forces during the January 8, 2026 protests in Rasht. (ABC interview with an informed individual, February 2, 2026).

He joined the demonstrators in the street on the evening of January 8 after hearing public calls for protest. During a phone call with his mother, he told her, "Mom, they are massacring people here. They are shooting at people."

"Mom, they're killing people here! They're shooting at people!"

A few hours after the protests began, Amir was fatally shot in the mouth in the Danaye Ali neighborhood of Rasht.

According to an informed source, Amir’s mother received a phone call from an unidentified person who told her that her son had died from a gunshot wound.

Following his killing, according to information received by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center, his body, along with those of many other protesters, was transported in a container to Bagh-e Rezvan Cemetery. There, it was held under security forces' control for two days.

Due to the intense security atmosphere and the large crowds at Bagh-e Rezvan for identifying their loved ones' bodies, the source stated that Amir’s aunt and father were only allowed to view his body once for identification.

After signing several written pledges, including a statement confirming Amir’s membership in the Basij, Amir’s father was allowed to retrieve his body and send it to the Forensic Medicine Organization (ABC interview with an informed individual, February 2, 2026).

Amir’s body was buried on the morning of January 10, 2026, in the village of Chelkaser under strict security measures, with only a few family members present. (ABC interview with an informed individual, February 2, 2026).

An eyewitness who participated in the January 8, 2026, protests in Rasht later sent a message to his mother’s Instagram account, saying that Amir was one of the bravest protesters that night, helping injured protesters before being killed. (ABC interview with an informed individual, February 2, 2026). 

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms. 

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible: a) Warning shots; b) Shots aimed at the lower body; c) Shots aimed at the upper body. (Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

Note 1:If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary". 

Officials’ Reaction

During a speech about the events of January 8, 2026, in Rasht, Mohammadreza Ahmadi Sangar, the representative of Rasht and Khomam in the Islamic Consultative Assembly of Iran, confirmed that security forces had confronted protesters whom the Islamic Republic calls “rioters” (Khabar Online News Agency, February 7, 2026).

In the same video, he spoke to another official, saying: "The rioters were numerous, and our forces limited, but we stood firm, and Rasht did not fall under any circumstances." (Khabar Online News Agency, February 7, 2026).

Family' s Reaction

No information is available regarding any legal action taken by Mr. Amir Bashiri Chalgasari’s family in response to his killing. 

Impacts on Family

No information is available regarding the impact of Mr. Amir Bashiri Chalgasari’s killing on his family.

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