Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Yaser Bahadorzehi

About

Age: 17
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Islam (Sunni)
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: November 4, 2022
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Khash, Sistan Va Baluchestan Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm
Age at time of alleged offense: 17

About this Case

The day after Bloody Friday, Yaser Bahadorzehi’s bloodstained body was found in the empty fields near the Khash Governor’s Office.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Yaser Bahadorzehi, son of Bibgar, was obtained from Halvash's X (formerly Twitter) page (November 13 and 22, 2022), an Amnesty International report (November 11, 2022), and IranWire (November 3, 2023). Additional information was gathered from ISNA (November 5 and 7, 2022), the official website of Molavi Abdolhamid (November 5, 2022), Radio Zamaneh (November 6, 2022), the Human Rights Campaign for Balochistan (October 5, 2024), an ISNA report (January 14, 2025), and the Baloch Activists' Campaign (January 17, 2025).

Mr. Yaser Bahadorzehi was born on December 23, 2004, in Khash (The picture of identification documents from the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center’s archives.)

Little is known about Yaser Bahadorzehi’s family or his childhood and adolescence, except that he suffered from severe physical and intellectual disabilities (IranWire, November 3, 2023; copy of Bahadorzehi’s disability card preserved in the ABC archives).

2022 (Mahsa Amini) Protest background

Nationwide protests were sparked by the death in custody of 22-year old Kurdish woman Jina (Mahsa) Amini on September 16, 2022. Amini had been arrested by the morality police in Tehran for improper veiling on September 13 and sent brain dead to the hospital. The news of her death triggered protests, which started with a widespread expression of outrage on social media and the gathering of a large crowd in front of the hospital,continued in the city of Saqqez (Kordestan Province), where Mahsa was buried. Popular exasperation over the morality patrols and the veil in general, aggravated by misleading statements of the authorities regarding the cause of Mahsa’s death and the impunity generally granted to state agents for the violence used against detainees led to months of nationwide protests. Initially led by young girls and women who burned their veils, and youth in general, protesters adopted the slogan “Women, Life, Freedom,” chanted during Amini’s burial. The protest rapidly took on a clear anti-regime tone, with protesters calling for an end to the Islamic Republic. 

The scope and duration of the protest was unprecedented. State efforts to withdraw the morality police from the streets and preventative arrests of journalists and political and civil society activists did not stop the protests. By the end of December 2022, protests had taken place in about 164 cities and towns, including localities that had never witnessed protests. Close to 150 universities, high schools, businesses, and groups including oil workers, merchants of the Tehran bazaar (among others), teachers, lawyers (at least 49 of whom had been arrested as of February 1st, 2023), artists, athletes, and even doctors joined these protests in various forms. Despite the violent crackdown and mass arrests, intense protests continued for weeks, at least through November 2022, with reports of sporadic activity continuing through the beginning of 2023.

The State’s crackdown was swift and accompanied by intermittent landline and cellular internet network shutdowns, as well as threats against and arrests of victims’ family members, factors which posed a serious challenge to monitoring protests and documenting casualties. The security forces used illegal, excessive, and lethal force with handguns, shotguns, and military assault rifles against protesters. They often targeted protesters’ heads and chests, shot them at close range, and in the back. Security forces have targeted faces with pellets, causing hundreds of protesters to lose their eyesight, and according to some reports women’s genitalia.

Since the start of the nationwide protests, and particularly after reports in late September 2022 that a police commander in Rask had raped a 15-year-old Baloch girl, Sistan and Baluchestan Province became the scene of deadly demonstrations. Unlike in other provinces, security forces in Balochistan relied exclusively on live ammunition.

On September 30, 2022 (Zahedan’s Bloody Friday), worshippers at Makki Mosque demanded a transparent investigation into the sexual assault and accountability from officials. A small group of them marched toward Police Station No. 16 while chanting protest slogans, where they were met with direct gunfire from security forces and plainclothes agents. Armed forces even fired into the mosque itself. At least 97 people were killed in Zahedan that day. In the aftermath, cities across Balochistan, including Khash, Saravan, and Rask, witnessed further protest gatherings.

On November 4, 2022 (Khash’s Bloody Friday), security forces again responded with extreme violence. After Friday prayers, they opened fire with live ammunition on protesters and even bystanders. At least 18 people, including two children, were killed and many others were wounded.

The Zahedan protests continued every Friday for months. Under pressure, the Armed Forces Judiciary eventually indicted 11 members of the security forces on charges of “fatal and injurious shootings” and 15 others on charges of “abuse of authority and unlawful use of firearms.” The closed-door proceedings ended, after two years, with only a handful of low-ranking officers sentenced to ten years in prison. Families of the victims were offered blood money. None of the commanders or senior officials responsible for the massacre were prosecuted.

 By February 1, 2023, the Human Rights Activists News Agency reported the number of recorded protests to be 1,262. The death toll, including protesters and passersby, stood at 527, of whom 71 were children. The number of arrests (including of wounded protesters) was estimated at a minimum at 22,000 , of whom 766 had already been tried and convicted. More than 100 protesters were at risk of capital punishment, and four had been executed in December 2022 and January 2023 without minimum standards of due process. Authorities also claimed 70 casualties among state forces, though there are consistent reports from families of killed protesters indicating authorities have pressured them or offered them rewards to falsely register their loved ones as such. Protesters, human rights groups, and the media have reported cases of beatings, torture (including to coerce confessions), and sexual assaults. Detainees have no access to lawyers during interrogations and their confessions are used in courts as evidence.

Public support and international solidarity with protesters have also been unprecedented (the use of the hashtag #MahsaAmini in Farsi and English broke world records) and on November 24, 2022, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution calling for the creation of a fact finding mission to “Thoroughly and independently investigate alleged human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran related to the protests that began on 16 September 2022, especially with respect to women and children.”

The Bloody Friday of Khash

Since the start of the nationwide protests following the death in custody of Jina (Mahsa) Amini and particularly after the outcry sparked by reports in late September 2022 that the police commander in Rask had raped a 15-year-old Baloch girl, Sistan and Baluchestan Province became, for months, the scene of deadly demonstrations. The government’s response in the cities of Zahedan and Khash was marked by exceptional brutality and bloodshed.

The protests began on September 27, 2022, in response to a call for nationwide demonstrations under the slogan “In Solidarity with All Fighters Across Iran and Kurdistan.” On September 30, after local clerics and worshippers at the Grand Mosalla near Makki Mosque in Zahedan demanded a transparent investigation into the sexual assault and accountability for those responsible, a small group of worshippers left the mosque and marched toward Police Station No. 16 while chanting anti-government slogans. Armed security forces, along with plainclothes agents positioned on the rooftops of the police station, opened fire directly on the demonstrators and even targeted worshippers inside the mosque. The number of people killed that day is estimated at no fewer than 97, an event that became known as “Zahedan’s Bloody Friday.” In the weeks that followed, cities across Balochistan, including Khash, Saravan, and Rask, witnessed protest gatherings in response to the massacre of “Bloody Friday.”

On Friday, November 4, 2022, after the Friday prayers at the Sunni mosque al-Khalil in Khash (the capital of Khash County), a number of Baloch protesters marched from the mosque toward the Khash Governor’s Office while chanting anti-government slogans. Security forces positioned on the rooftop of the Governor’s Office were prepared to suppress the demonstration and opened fire on the crowd. In response, some protesters threw stones at the building. At the same time, other security forces stationed in pickup trucks on the streets surrounding the mosque also fired at protesters and even at bystanders, such that some worshippers leaving the mosque who were not participating in the protests were also struck by gunfire.

Unlike in other provinces, where security forces employed a combination of tactics to suppress demonstrations, including pellet guns, tear gas, water cannons, and live ammunition, in Balochistan, only live ammunition was used. The shots were aimed primarily at vital organs such as the head, chest, and upper body. According to available information, at least 18 people, including two children, were killed that day, and many others were injured.

The Zahedan protests continued every Friday for months. In an attempt to calm the situation, the Armed Forces Judiciary eventually issued indictments against 11 individuals on charges of “fatal and injurious shootings,” and against 15 others on charges of “abuse of authority, unlawful use of firearms, and negligence.” The proceedings were held in two closed-door sessions. After two years, the court sentenced a few low-ranking officers to ten years in prison and offered victims’ families blood money. None of the senior commanders or officials who ordered the massacre were prosecuted.

Mr. Yaser Bahadorzehi’s arbitrary execution

According to available information, Mr. Yaser Bahadorzehi was fatally shot with live ammunition on November 4, 2022 (Halvash, November 4, 2022; Amnesty International, November 11, 2022).

Some Baloch activists claim that Mr. Bahadorzehi was likely shot despite not participating in the protest gathering in front of the governor’s office (IranWire, November 4, 2023).

Seventeen-year-old Yaser Bahadorzehi, who had severe physical and intellectual disabilities, was apparently shot and killed, even though he likely did not take part in the protest outside the governor’s office.

The following morning, his lifeless, bloodied body was found hundreds of meters away from the protest site in an empty field near the Khash governor’s office (Halvash Network on X, November 13, 2022; video of Mr. Bahadorzehi’s body in the desert archived by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center).

No information is available regarding the location or details of Mr. Bahadorzehi’s burial.

He was only 17 years old at the time of his death.

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms.

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible:

a) Warning shots.

b) Shots aimed at the lower body.

c) Shots aimed at the upper body.

(Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

**Note 1:** If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Given this situation, the families of those killed in the recent protests should file a complaint of murder with the Armed Forces Prosecutor's Office against the law enforcement officials involved. Although the prosecutor's office is responsible for conducting its own investigation, it is important to file the complaint and request an autopsy and forensic analysis before the body is buried. In addition, if there are witnesses to the scene, their written statements should be obtained as soon as possible. Their identifying information should also be recorded so that it can be presented later in court. The prosecutor's office should be asked to review any available CCTV footage of the scene. A major problem in these cases is the unwillingness of prosecutors to conduct a complete investigation. Without a complete investigation, it is difficult for the victim's family to identify a specific official as the perpetrator or to prove that the shooting was intentional.

Officials’ Reaction

There is no record of an official response to the killing of Yaser Bahadorzehi. However, certain authorities commented on the events that occurred in Khash on November 4, 2022. The governor of Khash attributed the direct shooting of protesters in front of the governor’s office to “suspicious and unknown individuals” (ISNA, November 5, 2022). In contrast, Molavi Abdolhamid, the Sunni Friday Prayer Leader of Zahedan, strongly criticized the government’s use of live ammunition against protesters. He asked, “Why are protesters being treated differently in Sistan and Baluchistan than in other regions of the country? Why are the people of this province so mercilessly massacred and bathed in blood?" (Molavi Abdolhamid’s official website, November 5, 2022). Furthermore, Mo'inoddin Sa'idi, the parliamentary representative of Chabahar, criticized then-President Ebrahim Ra'isi’s use of terms such as “rioters” and “separatists” to describe the protesters in his remarks on the floor of the parliament about the events of Khash’s “Bloody Friday.” However, his statement was met with objections from other parliament members who demanded that he be silenced. In response, Abdolreza Mesri, the vice-speaker of parliament at the time, claimed that "the massacre of people occurred following armed attacks against the police" and that the police had treated people "with leniency" (Radio Zamaneh, November 6, 2022). Following this confrontation, the parliament presidium asked its technology division to cut off Sa'idi’s microphone (ISNA, November 7, 2022).

Following complaints filed by some of the victims’ families, Branch One of the Sistan and Baluchistan Military Prosecutor’s Office issued a non-prosecution ruling on April 20, 2024, for all security and military forces present during Khash’s “Bloody Friday” massacre. The ruling stated that the "large number of attackers" and the fact that "some of them were armed" justified the use of firearms by the forces present as "a legal act in the framework of self-defense and the protection of their lives." The decision cited "the testimony of officers, closed-circuit camera footage, and expert reports" as evidence. Additionally, the failure of many victims’ families and injured individuals to file legal complaints was interpreted as an indication of the attackers’ culpability in the assault on the governor’s office. The ruling suggested that, after the non-prosecution decision is finalized, the families of victims could pursue compensation in the form of blood money from the public treasury in military courts (Halvash, undated; Abdorrahman Boroumand Center’s archives).

Familys’ Reaction

No information is available regarding Yaser Bahadorzehi’s family's reaction to his killing. However, nearly two years later, on January 16, 2025, several families of those killed and injured in the “Bloody Friday” attacks in Zahedan and Khash issued a collective statement anonymously protesting the rulings of the Islamic Republic’s judiciary. In their joint declaration, they denounced the verdicts as clear examples of evading justice and covering up organized crime. They emphasized that, rather than administering justice and prosecuting the main perpetrators and those who ordered the killings, the judiciary exonerated the security forces of the charge of "intentional murder." Instead, a few low-ranking officers were sentenced to ten years in prison and ordered to pay blood money, thus disregarding the truth of the tragedy. The justice-seeking families further called on human rights organizations and the United Nations to conduct an independent investigation to identify the perpetrators and instigators of this crime, paving the way for their prosecution (Baloch Activists Campaign, January 16, 2025).

Impacts on Family

No information is available regarding the impact of Yaser Bahadorzehi’s death on his family.

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