Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Naser Amirnejad

About

Age: 26
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: June 15, 2009
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Safa Alley, Azadi Square, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary shooting

About this Case

Originally from Yasuj, Naser was admired by others as a "role model". He was a senior Aerospace Engineering student at the Science and Research Branch of the Islamic Azad University in Tehran.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mr. Naser (Adi) Amirnejad, son of Rashid, was obtained through an electronic form sent by one of his friends to the Abdorrahman Boroumand Foundation (December 10, 2024), websites such as Parcham (October 3, 2009), the Human Rights Reporters Committee (June 21, 2009), ISNA (October 13, 2009), Moj-e Azadi (July 16, Student News Network (August 3, 2009); Green Path Movement (June 21, 2010); Goya Newsletter (June 9, 2009; August 4, 2011); Radio Farda (December 6, 2014); IRIB News Agency in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad (December 29, 2016; January 8 and 9, 2018; January 9, 2023); Dastneveshteh Blog (June 20, 2009); and Negin Taj Blog: Writings of a Friend for a Dear Friend (June 2010–June 2011).

Mr. Amirnejad's name is included in the "Names and Detailed Information of the 72 Martyrs of the Green Movement," a list compiled by a senior advisor to presidential candidate Mir Hossein Musavi and published on the Norooz website on September 4, 2009. Additionally, information about the shooting from the Ashura Battalion base on June 15, 2009 was obtained through an interview conducted by the Boroumand Foundation with an eyewitness who was present at the scene.

Mr. Amirnejad was born in Mahmudabad, a village near Yasuj. He was 26 years old, single, and a senior aerospace engineering student at the Science and Research Branch of Islamic Azad University in Tehran. His friends knew him as a “role model” (Dastneveshteh Blog, June 20, 2009).

On June 12, 2009, Mr. Amirnejad participated in the elections. A friend of his recalled: "June 12, 2009 arrived, and Naser, like many of his classmates, entrusted his vote to people he trusted. But what misplaced trust it was!" He continued: "I clearly remember how excited Naser was about the elections. Despite his simplicity, he participated in meetings and entered the political arena. He was a young man who just wanted his country to prosper. He knew nothing about political divisions or the darkness of politics" (Negin Taj Blog, June 2010–June 2011).

Mr. Amirnejad and his friends participated in the large Tehran rally on June 15, 2009, protesting the election results.

2009 Protest - Background 

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.). 

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested. 

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction. 

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them.  

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.” 

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it. 

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one.  

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture. 

Mr. Naser Amirnejad’s arbitrary execution 

According to available information, Mr. Naser Amirnejad was fatally shot on the evening of June 15, 2009, by Basij forces who fired at him from the rooftop of the 117th Ashura Battalion base. The base is located near Azadi Square in Tehran, at the beginning of Mohammad Ali Jenah Street. A bullet shot at his back had entered his heart and lungs, and bystanders rushed him to Payambar Hospital in Tehran. Three days later, on June 18, 2009, his friends, who had lost track of him during the rally, received a phone call informing them of his death. (Goya Newsletter, August 4, 2011).

On June 15, 2009, demonstrators gathered throughout Tehran to protest the results of the presidential election. As the rally ended and the crowd began to disperse, Basij paramilitary forces opened fire, killing and injuring several people. At the northern edge of Azadi Square, near the beginning of the Mohammad Ali Jenah Expressway, members of the 117 Ashura Battalion fired on demonstrators from the roof and windows of their base. Videos posted on YouTube at the time show dozens of demonstrators outside the Basij base chanting slogans. There is no footage of direct confrontation, but the sound of gunfire is clearly heard and injured people can be seen being carried away. An eyewitness confirmed that the protesters in the vicinity were unarmed. The exact number of casualties remains unknown, but Sorur Borumand, her daughter Fatemeh Rajabpur, Davud Sadri, Sohrab Arabi, and Naser Amirnejad were shot and killed that day. (ABC’s research)

Mr. Amirnejad’s body was buried on June 20, 2009, at 10 a.m. in Mahmudabad, a village near Yasuj (Goya Newsletter, June 9, 2009).

On the first anniversary of his death, June 21, 2010, his friends held a memorial for him at the Mosque of the Prophet meeting hall in the Kaj Square area of Tehran. Students, friends, and security officials attended the event. (Green Path Movement, June 21, 2010). 

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms.

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible:a) Warning shots. b) Shots aimed at the lower body. c) Shots aimed at the upper body. (Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

**Note 1:** If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Given this situation, the families of those killed in the recent protests should file a complaint of murder with the Armed Forces Prosecutor's Office against the law enforcement officials involved. Although the prosecutor's office is responsible for conducting its own investigation, it is important to file the complaint and request an autopsy and forensic analysis before the body is buried. In addition, if there are witnesses to the scene, their written statements should be obtained as soon as possible. Their identifying information should also be recorded so that it can be presented later in court. The prosecutor's office should be asked to review any available CCTV footage of the scene. A major problem in these cases is the unwillingness of prosecutors to conduct a complete investigation. Without a complete investigation, it is difficult for the victim's family to identify a specific official as the perpetrator or to prove that the shooting was intentional.

Officials’ Reaction

Following Mr. Amirnejad’s death, the authorities filed a murder case and asked his father to file a complaint against the 2009 presidential candidates, Musavi and Karrubi, in order to proceed with the administrative process of releasing the body for burial (Goya Newsletter, August 4, 2011).

At the "Farewell and Introduction Ceremony of the Old and New Heads of Basij Student and Educators in Tehran Province," the Basij commander in Tehran confirmed that Basij forces had shot civilians in front of the 117th Ashura Battalion base. According to the Armed Forces and the Judicial Organization of the Armed Forces, "Anyone who attacks a military base must be shot." Meanwhile, for three and a half hours, the protesters confronted us with Molotov cocktails and gunfire. We were shot at from this area, and in order to prevent the attackers from entering the weapons cache, we had to defend ourselves." He continued: "The calibers used in the recent confrontation were not from the IRGC, the police, or the Ministry of Intelligence." (ISNA)

Following Mr. Amirnejad’s death, authorities and affiliated media outlets identified him as a Basij militia member.

However, Contradictory reports exist regarding Mr. Amirnejad. During an interview, his father emphasized that his son had been an active member of Basij when he was a student. However, contrary to the usual trend, there had not been any ceremony by the Islamic Republic authorities to commemorate and appreciate Mr. Amirnejad. Also, no official ever mentioned him as a Basij member. On the other hand, there have been repeated reports of officials threatening and coercing the victims’ families to introduce their children as members of Basij.

In 2016, officials in Yasuj commemorated Mr. Amirnejad during the December 29 ceremony*, and in 2018, they held the "Memorial for Martyr Naser Amirnejad, Martyr of the 2009 Sedition" in the Imam Ali Husayniyya building in Yasuj. In 2023, the Supreme Leader's representative in the Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad province visited his family. At all three events, he was introduced as a Basij martyr, and his death was attributed to the 2009 protests. (IRIB News Agency, Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Center). 

Familys’ Reaction

Mr. Amirnejad’s father was a Basij militia member during the Iran-Iraq War and enrolled his sons in the militia at a young age. He said, “I spent eight years on the front lines so that my children and yours could live in freedom and comfort. From a young age, I enrolled my children in the Basij, and I was proud of them for it. The Basij we knew had dignity and protected and supported the people” (Goya Newsletter, August 4, 2011).

During an interview on August 2, 2009, Naser Amirnejad's father, Mr. Rashid Amirnejad, blamed anti-regime forces and foreign agents for his son's death. Relatives believe the interview was conducted in order to receive Naser's body for burial. Mr. Amirnejad introduced his son as a Basij member and stated that he had filed a lawsuit against Karrubi and Musavi, holding them accountable for his son's death. (Student News Network)

However, in another interview two years later, he offered a different narrative: "When I arrived in Tehran, they told me that I had to file a murder lawsuit and follow the administrative process to receive my son's body. I filed the lawsuit, received my son, and didn’t file a complaint. Who was I supposed to complain to? The people who killed my child? I wasn’t there. I don’t know who shot him. How could I possibly complain to them? I have no idea who to file a complaint against. He continued commenting on his previous interviews with state-run newspapers: “I didn’t file a complaint against anyone. That’s a lie they wrote. The killer of my son is the killer of all the children who have recently been killed. Whoever did this certainly doesn’t care about this country and has no compassion for it” (Goya Newsletter, August 4, 2011).

According to Mr. Amirnejad’s friends, his family was under pressure from the authorities. (Negin Taj Blog, June 2009–June 2010).

Nine years after their son's death, Mr. Amirnejad’s family aligned with the authorities, and his father stated that his son had been "martyred in the path of the regime and the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent."

Impacts on Family

According to the available information, following the death of his son, Mr. Amirnejad's father began to experience health complications. He says, "I'm very upset and sick. I can't think clearly. This period has been very difficult, and I have emotional issues. Sometimes I forget what happened to us. I don't have anything else to say. I only know that one day, the killers of all our children will have to answer for what they did” (Goya Newsletter – August 4, 2011). 

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*The Coordination Council for Islamic Propaganda called the 9th of Dey (December 29) march in response to the 2009 Tasoua and Ashura protests. It is also referred to as the Day of Awareness and the Covenant with the Supreme Leader.

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