After being released from Kahrizak, Ramin had visible signs of physical trauma, including bruises, leg wounds, a fractured skull, and severe cervical and spinal injuries. He said that he had been hung by his hands and beaten.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mr. Ramin Aqazadeh Qahremani was obtained from the Norooz news agency (August 5 and 9, 2009), as well as interviews with his mother for Rooz Online (July 23, 2011), Jaras (July 16, 2014), Radio Farda (May 2012), and an interview with Ramin's brother with Jaras news agency (July 22, 2011). Additional information was gathered from articles in Norooz News (October 2, 2009); Tabnak (January 27, 2010); the Analytical News Agency Alef (January 23, 2010); Radio Farda (May 14, 2012); BBC Persian (July 2, 2012); Tasnim (September 12, 2016); Tribune Zamaneh (September 15, 2016); and a witness testimony from the Kahrizak Detention Center (December 2008). 

Ramin Aqazadeh Qahremani was born in Tehran in 1979. He lived with his family in the Shahrara neighborhood and had three brothers. They described him as a calm, harmless, apolitical young man who was closely attached to his family. (Norooz, August 9, 2009). 

2009 Election - Background 

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.). 

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested. 

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction. 

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them.  

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.” 

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it. 

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one.  

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture. 

The death of several detainees in July of 2009, including the son of a high ranking official of the Islamic Republic, highlighted the appalling detention conditions in Kahrizak. Some officials characterized the sending of protesters, especially students, to Kahrizak as a mistake and the Islamic Republic Leader ultimately ordered the closure of the detention facility. On January 10, 2010, a parliamentary special committee issued a report calling on the judiciary to prosecute officials from the judiciary and the police responsible for sending the protesters to Kahrizak and mistreating them. It also blamed the events on the ‘illegal behavior” of the protesters and the presidential candidates’ “lie” about electoral fraud. 

In a letter to the Head of the Parliament on January 16, 2010, Judge Sa’id Mortazavi, the Revolutionary and Public Prosecutor of Tehran at the time, insisted on the legality of the transfer of detainees to Kahrizak and rejected any wrongdoing by the Public Prosecutor’s Office. According to him, the report’s criticism about the lack of space in Kahrizak is unjustified. He noted that 147 of the 380 detainees arrested in front of Tehran University on July 9, were sent to Kahrizak. He insisted that the decision was made in coordination with officials from the detention center and “the security forces of greater Tehran” who had announced Kahrizak’s capacity to hold 400 new prisoners. Mortazavi emphasized that the transfer order was legal and signed by an official of the Public Prosecutor’s Office in Tehran. “From a legal point of view,” he wrote, “since this detention center is an official and legal place, transferring detainees has not been a security violation.” 

Arrest and detention

On July 1, 2009, security officials rushed to arrest Ramin Qahremani at his home amid protests against the presidential election results. Since he was not home, the officers instructed his mother to have him appear at the police station as soon as possible.

Although there is no information about Mr. Qazazadeh Qahremani's direct involvement in the protests, the officers claimed he was summoned for "breaking bank windows" and said they had identified him through a bank security camera. However, this evidence was never presented. Believing in his innocence, Mr. Qazazadeh Qahremani went to the police station with his mother that day. His mother recalls: "I thought they would just ask him a few questions, and he would return home with me." (Radio Farda podcast on Ramin Qazazadeh Qahremani, May 2012 — Nowruz, August 5 and 9, 2009, and October 2, 2009).

Ramin Qahremani was arrested that day and transferred to the Kahrizak Detention Center. After a while, due to the facility's closure, he was transferred to Evin Prison, where he was immediately released. He spent a total of 15 days in detention.

The conditions at Kahrizak were described as abysmal. According to one detainee's testimony: "Upon arrival, all detainees were forced to take off their clothes, throw them in the trash, and endure severe beatings with hoses and wooden sticks. They were forced to stand naked outside for hours and were confined to a tiny, overcrowded quarantine area where more than 160 people were packed into a space meant for 20. Detainees had to sleep standing up and were not allowed to use the restroom. Meager food, minimal water, unbearable heat, constant beatings, walking on all fours while carrying another detainee on their back, injuries, infections from wounds, unconsciousness, and lack of access to medicine were other details shared by witnesses. According to one witness, on the third or fourth day, at noon, they were taken to the yard. Half of us were forced to walk on all fours while carrying other detainees on our backs. We had to walk them around the yard. The ground was so hot that it burned us. After five minutes, I only saw blood on the ground from their hands and knees. We walked around the yard twenty to twenty-five times. If we stopped, we were beaten. Everyone had injuries or broken bones somewhere on their body. The environment was so dirty and hot that any wound would immediately become infected. Everyone had infections. The guards wore masks because of the smell. Several detainees at Kahrizak were unconscious. The authorities saw that we might not survive." (Interview with a Kahrizak Detention Center eyewitness, December 2008). 

Mr. Ramin Aqazadeh Qahremani’s Arbitrary Execution

According to available information, Mr. Ramin Aqazadeh Qahremani was released after 15 days of detention. However, he died just two days later, on July 18, 2009, at Rasoul Akram Hospital in Tehran, from blood clots in his chest and injuries to his spinal cord and skull.

At the time of his release, the signs of torture on his body were clearly visible. He had bruises all over his body, wounds on his legs, a fractured head, and severe injuries to his neck and spine. He said that he was hung by his hands and beaten. According to his mother, the coroner's report stated that he died from a lack of blood flow to the brain and heart due to spinal injuries. (Interview with Ramin Qahremani's mother for Rooz Online, July 23, 2011; interview with Ramin's brother for Jaras, July 22, 2011; Norooz, August 5, 2009).

Ramin Aqazadeh Qahremani’s body was buried on August 5, 2009, in Section 216 of Behesht Zahra Cemetery with only a few family members present and under security restrictions. (Norooz, August 5, 2009). 

Official’s Reaction

Due to the severity of Ramin Qahremani’s physical condition after his release, the authorities contacted his family several times from the police station or detention center to inquire about his condition. (Norooz, August 5, 2009).

In exchange for handing over his body, the security forces demanded that the family pledge to hold the mourning ceremonies quietly and privately. They threatened that the family was not allowed to cry loudly or wail at the gravesite. These restrictions continued in the following years, as the security forces also prevented public memorials. According to Ramin’s mother: "On the first anniversary, I didn’t know that I had to go to the prosecutor’s office to ask for permission. They told me it was prohibited, and I said, ‘I don’t want your permission!’ We held a small, private ceremony ourselves. This year, we will hold another small family ceremony” (Norooz, August 5, 2009; Interview with Ramin Qahremani’s mother for Rooz Online, July 23, 2011).

After the news of this killing was made public, members of the special parliamentary committee for investigating the events following the election — established by the Iranian parliament — visited the Qahremani family. (Interview with Ramin’s brother for Jaras, July 22, 2011).

The official report from the committee investigating the post-election events did not list Ramin Aqazadeh Qahremani as a victim of the Kahrizak detention center. Parviz Sarvari, a member of the National Security Commission and head of the post-election events committee, explained the omission: "This was a different case because we were investigating the deaths of detainees in Kahrizak. It is said that this person died after being released from prison." Farhad Tajari, the vice president of the judiciary and a member of the special committee investigating the post-election events, stated in an interview with a state news agency that his meeting with the Qahremani family was part of his parliamentary duties and not related to the committee’s activities. Abdolhossein Ruholamini, the father of one of the Kahrizak victims, confirmed that the Qahremani family’s complaint, along with those of three other victims, was filed with the Armed Forces Judicial Organization. However, his name was omitted from the report "so as not to disturb public conscience" (Aftab, February 21, 2010; Tabnak, January 27, 2010; interview with the father of Mohsen Ruholamini for the Alef News website, January 23, 2010).

On the first anniversary of Ramin Aqazadeh Qahremani’s death, Shargh newspaper interviewed his family. However, due to pressure and the internal situation in the country, the interview was never published. (Interview with Ramin’s brother for Jaras; Norooz, August 5, 2009).

Despite the Qahremani family’s complaint and those of the other victims from the Kahrizak Detention Center, the Tehran Military Prosecutor’s Office never invited them to attend any court sessions. According to Ramin’s mother: “In the end, they just told me that it would be better to accept compensation and take the blood money” (Interview with Ramin’s mother for Jaras, July 16, 2014).

Regarding the Qahremani family’s absence from the courtroom, authorities handling the Kahrizak case told two young detainees, Mas'ud Alizadeh and Sa'id Hajjarha, who had been detained and attended court as complainants and witnesses to the deaths of Mohsen Ruholamini and Amir Javadifar, the following: “He wasn’t one of the political detainees; he was arrested for drug-related charges. They told us not to support him. His case is different, and yours is different” (Radio Farda, May 14, 2013).

In 2016, Sa'id Mortazavi apologized for the Kahrizak incident in a letter but did not mention Ramin Aqazadeh Qahremani by name. (Tasnim, September 12, 2016). 

Family’s Reaction 

Ramin Qahremani’s family: "We wanted to respect the rules, but things turned out differently. Someone turns themselves in to the law, never has a trial, and is beaten so severely that it leads to their death."

Following their son’s death, the Qahremani family submitted information about him to several newspapers. However, due to the prevailing conditions, they preferred not to have these reports published under their names. They also refrained from giving interviews to the media for a long time. (Iran Azad, quoted by Rooz Online, July 23, 2011).

Abdolhossein Ruholamini, the father of Mohsen Ruholamini, another victim from the Kahrizak Detention Center, revealed for the first time that he learned of Ramin Aqazadeh Qahremani’s death while investigating his son’s death at the Armed Forces Judicial Organization. After two years of silence on the matter, Ramin’s brother said: "We had no idea how to pursue this case until the Kahrizak case came up. First, Mr. Kamrani contacted us; then, Mr. Ruholamini reached out to us as well; and finally, the issue was raised in the media. Only after getting to know these families did we understand how to follow up” (Aftab, February 21, 2010; interview with Ramin Qahramani's brother for Jaras, date unknown).

The Qahramani family and other families of victims from the Kahrizak Detention Center filed a complaint about their sons' deaths with the First Investigation Branch of the Military Prosecutor’s Office. They were never invited to any court hearings. Some of the former Kahrizak detainees pointed to some of the accused present in court and told Ramin’s mother: "These were the ones who beat Ramin and insulted him with vile words" (Interview with Ramin Qahramani’s mother for Rooz Online, July 23, 2011).

Two years later, the Qahremani family dropped the lawsuit. According to Ramin’s mother, “I gave my consent. I couldn’t bear it anymore. They wore me down. I went to Judge Hosseini in the first investigation branch of the Military Prosecutor’s Office many times, but I couldn’t endure it. If those three victims were officially recognized and a trial was held, it was only because Mr. Ruholamini was influential. I didn’t have that. I was a retired employee, and my husband was also a retired Ministry of Energy employee.. As a retired employee, I trusted that I was no different from a high-ranking official. Don't call my child a martyr. What difference does it make? Should we deceive ourselves?" When asked about the offer of compensation, she responded, "Even if they give me ten billion, it wouldn't be worth one hair of my child." (Interview with Ramin Qahremani’s mother for Rooz Online; Iran Azad, quoted by Rooz Online, July 23, 2011).

Four years after her son’s death, in reaction to the 2013 court ruling that sentenced Sa'id Mortazavi — Tehran’s former prosecutor and the primary defendant in the Kahrizak case — to "permanent removal from judicial services, a five-year suspension from government services, and a 200,000-toman fine," Ramin’s mother said, "I honestly didn't expect such a verdict, and it's shocking. Is this the outcome from Judge Khorasani, with all his experience? Two hundred thousand tomans is less than half the salary of a retiree. With that, you could only buy three cans of vegetable oil. When Mortazavi gets a position in social security, it's like saying, ‘Go on with your life!’” (Interview with Ramin Qahramani’s mother for Jaras, July 16, 2014; BBC Persian, July 2, 2013). 

Impact on Family 

Ramin Aqazadeh Qahremani's death had an irreparable impact on his family. His mother often spoke of the guilt she felt for handing her son over to the police, a feeling that shattered her life. Ramin’s father had a stroke during his funeral and died a few years later. Ramin’s mother recalls that from the moment they received the news of his death until his death, his father never wore anything but black and always lived with the memory of Ramin. Upon hearing the details of the torture Ramin endured in Kahrizak, one of his brothers became ill and depressed because Ramin had only shared these painful experiences with him.

One of Ramin’s brothers recalls the harsh reality: “We wanted to respect the law, but the situation turned out differently. Someone turns themselves in to the law, never has a trial, and is beaten so severely that it leads to their death." According to Ramin’s mother, his death destroyed their entire life. Although she had found all legal proceedings futile from the beginning, she said, "We stay awake all night, and I pray to God that those responsible will face the same fate we did, no more, no less." (Interview with Ramin Qahremani’s mother for Jaras, July 16, 2014; Radio Farda podcast; Interview with Ramin Qahremani’s brother for Jaras; Tribune Zamaneh, September 15, 2016).