Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Sa'id Abbasi Fargolchi

About

Age: 24
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: June 20, 2009
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Sina Bank, Rudaki Street, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: targeting vital organs
Age at time of alleged offense: 24

About this Case

was shot and died during clashes following the presidential election of 2009.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mr. Sa'id Abbasi Fargolchi, son of Sattar, was obtained from the website of HRANA - Human Rights Activists News Agency (June 21, 2009). Additional information was gathered from the websites of the Iranian Association of Political Prisoners (July 16, 2009), Green Wave of Freedom (July 28, 2009), Parliament News (November 7, 2009), Radio Farda (July 13, 2014), and a post by user Farshad on the X platform (April 8, 2019).

According to available information, Mr. Sa'id Abbasi Fargolchi was a 24-year-old single young man who lived in the Punak neighborhood of Tehran. He owned and ran a bag and shoe store named "Aram" on South Rudaki (Salsabil) Street, Daneshgah Street, with his father (HRANA, June 21, 2009; Iranian Association of Political Prisoners, July 16, 2009).

After the outbreak of the protests known as the "Green Movement" following Iran's 2009 presidential election, Mr. Abbasi Fargolchi joined demonstrators on Rudaki Street in Tehran.

2009 Election - Background

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote. Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets. Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country. The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.” Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.).

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election. Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud. They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election. Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election. In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested.

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran. As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people. To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events. Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran. The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.” The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters. Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction.

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests. Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent. These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them.

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites. Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution. They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.”

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression. At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests. Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it.

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known. According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country. More than seventy names have been reported. It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews. Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one.

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored. Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published. State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture.

Mr. Sa’id Abbasi Fargolchi’s arbitrary execution

According to available information, on June 20, 2009, amid nationwide protests against the results of the presidential election, Mr. Sa'id Abbasi Fargolchi was shot and killed on the spot by a member of the Basij militia in Tehran.

A video recorded by a citizen and circulated on social media captured the moment Mr. Abbasi Fargolchi was shot. The footage shows him among protesters as the sound of continuous gunfire from security forces can be heard. Protesters chant slogans and some throw stones at the armed forces. Wearing a white shirt, Mr. Abbasi Fargolchi stands in front of the Sina Bank at the corner of Bustan Sa'di and Rudaki Streets in Tehran. As he turns to face the crowd of demonstrators, he is shot in the back with live ammunition. The shooter is not visible in the footage. As he falls to the ground, the crowd scatters in panic. Some shout, "They're using live bullets!" and "Someone's been shot!" A short time later, protesters and the cameraman approach Mr. Abbasi Fargolchi. He was lying on the ground, blood flowing around him. The bullet has shattered his skull, and he has died instantly. Angry protesters at the scene begin to chant, "I will kill the one who killed my brother!" (X platform post by user Farshad, April 8, 2019) In another narrative, the website of the Association of Iranian Political Prisoners in Exile published a letter on July 16, 2009, quoting Abbasi Fargolchi's father describing the circumstances of his son's death as follows:

"On that day, the Azadi neighborhood and the surrounding streets were crowded. The Basij and plainclothes agents came and warned the shopkeepers to close their shops. One by one, everyone got scared and started to close. I said to Sa'id, 'Son, let's close the shop and go home; it's dangerous. We went out together and started pulling down the shutters. We were the last shop to close. Sa'id was crouching down to close the shutter when one of the Basij agents suddenly appeared in the midst of the chaos. Sa'id was still crouching when the man shot him from above and behind without warning. Blood spurted from the back of his head. I couldn't understand what had happened - I just threw myself on Sa'id and cradled his head. All around me, there was screaming and muffled noise. All I could do was scream, 'Sa'id! My son!' ... When I came to, Sa'id was gone." (Association of Iranian Political Prisoners in Exile, July 16, 2009)

Mr. Abbasi Fargolchi was buried in Behesht Zahra Cemetery, Section 257, Row 40, Plot 25. (Iran News Agency, June 28, 2009)

His gravestone, which bore the word "martyr", was later broken by unknown individuals. (Parliament News, November 7, 2009)

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms.

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council.

Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities". In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible: a) Warning shots; b) Shots aimed at the lower body;

c) Shots aimed at the upper body. (Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

Note 1:If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Officials’ Reaction

The security officials demanded that Abbasi Fargolchi's family sign a written pledge not to hold a memorial service before they would release his body. They also demanded and received eight million tomans as "bullet money" (Association of Iranian Political Prisoners in Exile, July 16, 2009)

According to one of Mr. Abbasi Fargolchi's neighbors, after his death, the Ministry of Intelligence pressured the family and relatives, forbidding them to organize a funeral and forcing them to tell neighbors that the bullet had hit their son accidentally. (Association of Iranian Political Prisoners in Exile, July 16, 2009; Pezhvak-e Iran, July 27, 2009) On the day of Mr. Abbasi Fargolchi's funeral, security forces stormed the ceremony, tore up leaflets and posters, and arrested his father. They put him in a car with tinted windows and took him away. (Radio Farda, July 13, 2014)

Later, in what the press described as a "gesture of sympathy," security officials visited the family's home and claimed that "rioters" were responsible for their son's murder. They even suggested that the family identify their son as a member of the Basij in order to receive the benefits given to the families of "martyrs" (Green Wave of Freedom, July 28, 2009).

Familys’ Reaction

In a letter recounting the circumstances of his son's death, Sa'id's father concluded by addressing government officials: "Let the leaders of the Islamic Republic know that until the blood of the Sa'ids, the Nedas, the Sohrabs, and dozens of others is avenged, neither they nor their families will know a moment of peace." (Association of Iranian Political Prisoners in Exile, July 16, 2009)

In response to security agents' suggestion that they identify Sa'id as a Basij member in order to qualify for martyr family benefits, the Abbasi Fargolchi family kicked the agents ot of their home. (Green Wave of Freedom, July 28, 2009)

When unknown assailants broke Sa'id's gravestone, the family contacted the Hayat-e No newspaper and sent before-and-after photos of the gravestone, demandiung that the paper report on the desecration. (Parliament News, November 7, 2009)

Impacts on Family

Under pressure and threats from the Ministry of Intelligence, Mr. Abbasi Fargolchi's family did not speak publicly about his death for almost a month. (Pezhvak-e Iran, July 27, 2009) After his death, Sa'id's shop was closed. His father explained that the shop had belonged to his son and that he could not bear to continue working there. (Radio Farda, July 13, 2014)

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