Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Mostafa Kiarostami

About

Age: 23
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Married

Case

Date of Killing: July 17, 2009
Location of Killing: In front of Tehran University, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Blunt Force Weapon

About this Case

For him, it turned into an effort just to get home.  His mother came to help.  With political luminaries attending the post-election Friday prayers, there were bound to be confrontations.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mostafa Kiarostami, Soleiman's son, was obtained from a Radio Farda interview with his mother (December 25, 2014). His name appears on many lists of those killed during the 2009 protests. Additional details were gathered from the websites of the Behesht Zahra Organization, Radio Farda (August 2, 2009, and December 25, 2014), Jaras (August 22, 2010), Mowj-e Sabz-e Azadi (July 30, 2009), and Edameh-ye Rah-e Sabz (July 17, 2010).

According to Behesht Zahra Organization’s records, Mr. Kiarostami was born on March 22, 1986. There is not much information about his early life, but sources indicate that he was studying civil engineering at the University of Tehran. (Behesht Zahra Organization, Radio Farda, December 25, 2014)

He had been married for only six months at the time. (Jaras, August 22, 2010)

Mr. Kiarostami was not politically active, but as his mother said, "He had his own beliefs and cared deeply about them. He wasn't involved in politics, but as an ordinary person he had convictions and didn't take his values lightly." (Jaras, August 22, 2010) The 2009 presidential election and subsequent protests had sparked his interest. (Radio Farda, December 25, 2014) He attended Friday Prayer on July 17, 2009, which later led to street protests. (Radio Farda, August 2, 2009) 

2009 Election - Background 

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.). 

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested. 

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction. 

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them.  

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.” 

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncrowded areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it. 

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one.  

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture. 

Mr. Mostafa Kiarostami’s arbitrary execution 

According to available information, on Friday, July 17, 2009, during protests in front of Tehran University, Mr. Mostafa Kiarostami was struck on the head by a Basij officer's baton and died hours later as a result.

At the height of the protests over the 2009 presidential election's results, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, then chairman of the Expediency Discernment Council and the Assembly of Experts, led Friday prayers in Tehran. Since his sermon echoed many of the demonstrators’ demands, a large number of people attended the prayer and then marched in protest. However, the march was violently dispersed by police and Basij forces.

Mr. Kiarostami was among those attending the prayer. According to accounts that surfaced in the media years later, as the crowd left Tehran University, government forces fired tear gas at them, and motorcycles raced into the demonstrators at high speed. Mr. Kiarostami was in the crowd when he was suddenly struck on the head with a baton by a Basij militia officer and collapsed to the ground. According to his friends, he eventually got up and kept walking. (Radio Farda, December 25, 2014)

After regaining his strength, Mostafa called his mother and asked for help. She took him home, but his condition quickly deteriorated. A year later, his mother recounted: "On Friday afternoon, my son called and said, 'Mom, I'm not feeling well. I want to come home. I told him to wait, I would pick you up. He had only been married for six months. When I brought him home, he kept feeling nauseous and falling asleep. Every time he'd wake up and I'd ask him what happened, where he'd been, or if anyone had hurt him, he'd just say, 'Mom, forgive me. He kissed his brother and said, 'It's time to go now.'" (Jaras, August 22, 2010)

Worried and distressed by his condition, his mother took him to Kasra Hospital. They stayed at the hospital until midnight and then returned home. She later said, "When we returned, he fell asleep and never woke up. No matter how loudly we called, he didn't answer. I realized that his heartbeat had stopped. Right then and there, I hit myself - I was watching my child die before my eyes without being able to say a word. (Jaras, August 22, 2010)

Mr. Kiarostami died later that night at home from a brain hemorrhage caused by the baton strike. Although his friends spoke openly about the events of July 17, his mother, fearing for the safety of her other son, told others that her son had died of a brain stroke. (Mowj-e Sabz-e Azadi, July 30, 2009; Jaras, August 22, 2010) She explained: "I told the whole family that Mostafa had had a brain stroke. I denied everything because I couldn't bear the thought of something happening to my other son. I'm his only breadwinner..." (Radio Farda, December 25, 2014)

Mr. Kiarostami was buried on Saturday, July 18, 2009 in plot 47, row 26, grave no. 17 of the Behesht Zahra cemetery in Tehran. (Behesht Zahra Organization website)

A memorial ceremony was held in Royaye Abi Hall of Tehran Municipality on the first anniversary of his death. (Edameh-ye Rah-e Sabz, July 17, 2010)

At the time of his death, Mr. Kiarostami was about 23 years old. 

Officials’ Reaction

No information available regarding any official or state media response to the death of Mr. Mostafa Kiarostami. 

Familys’ Reaction

According to available information, Mr. Kiarostami's family refrained from filing a legal complaint about his death, fearing possible repercussions from security agencies targeting their other son. (Radio Farda, December 25, 2014) Explaining her decision not to pursue legal action, Mr. Kiarostami's mother said: "I don't have any information about what happened on that Friday [July 17, 2009], and I don't know what my son went through, so I didn't file a complaint. I don't have the strength to pursue it... You don't even know who to trust in this situation. I honestly don't know whose door to knock on. I haven't pursued it. I just don't have energy. There's no one to stand up for our rights. You can't break a concrete wall with your head." (Jaras, August 22, 2010)

Impacts on Family 

According to available information, Mr. Kiarostami's death had a profound impact on his family. His mother later said, "At the time, we didn't understand what had happened. Even today, there is a lingering uncertainty in our lives that continues to torment us. I suffered from severe depression for almost three months. I experienced memory loss and couldn't go to work at all. (Jaras, August 22, 2010)

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