Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Ali Reza Eftekhari

About

Age: 29
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Unknown

Case

Date of Killing: June 15, 2009
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Azadi Street, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Blunt Force Weapon

About this Case

He was the first journalist killed during the 2009 post-election protests. His family received his body after 27 days, encased in concrete and cement blocks.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mr. Ali Reza Eftekhari was obtained from the websites of the Amir Kabir Newsletter (July 30, 2009), Parcham (October 3, 2009), and Committee of Human Rights Reporters (July 15, 2009). Additional information was obtained from the websites of Pejvak-e Iran (July 24, 2009), Rooz Online (July 28, 2011), and Radio Farda (September 28, 2014). 

Mr. Eftekhari, 29 years old, was a senior journalist at the Abrar-e Eqtesadi newspaper for five years until 2008 (Amir Kabir Newsletter, July 30, 2009)

According to the available information, Mr. Eftekhari was a calm, reliable, and patient person. Due to his father's illness, he was the breadwinner of the family. (Radio Farda, September 28, 2014)

Background on the 2009 Election 

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.).

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested.

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction.

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them. 

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.” 

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it. 

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one. 

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture.

The death of several detainees in July of 2009, including the son of a high ranking official of the Islamic Republic, highlighted the appalling detention conditions in Kahrizak. Some officials characterized the sending of protesters, especially students, to Kahrizak as a mistake and the Islamic Republic Leader ultimately ordered the closure of the detention facility. On January 10, 2010, a parliamentary special committee issued a report calling on the judiciary to prosecute officials from the judiciary and the police responsible for sending the protesters to Kahrizak and mistreating them. It also blamed the events on the ‘illegal behavior” of the protesters and the presidential candidates’ “lie” about electoral fraud.

In a letter to the Head of the Parliament on January 16, 2010, Judge Sa’id Mortazavi, the Revolutionary and Public Prosecutor of Tehran at the time, insisted on the legality of the transfer of detainees to Kahrizak and rejected any wrongdoing by the Public Prosecutor’s Office. According to him, the report’s criticism about the lack of space in Kahrizak is unjustified. He noted that 147 of the 380 detainees arrested in front of Tehran University on July 9, were sent to Kahrizak. He insisted that the decision was made in coordination with officials from the detention center and “the security forces of greater Tehran” who had announced Kahrizak’s capacity to hold 400 new prisoners. Mortazavi emphasized that the transfer order was legal and signed by an official of the Public Prosecutor’s Office in Tehran. “From a legal point of view,” he wrote, “since this detention center is an official and legal place, transferring detainees has not been a security violation.”

Mr. Ali Reza Eftekhari’s arbitrary execution

Mr. Eftekhari was killed on June 15, 2009, on Azadi Street in Tehran. (Amir Kabir Newsletter, July 30, 2009)

On the morning of June 15, 2009, as protestors began to fill the streets of Tehran, Mr. Eftekhari joined the crowd, hoping to write a news story about it.  According to one of his relatives, Ali Reza Eftekhari was beaten on Azadi Street during the million person-strong protest march on June 15. He said: “The blows to Ali Reza's head caused a brain hemorrhage, but we do not know whether Ali Reza died on the street or after being beaten and arrested. We do not know what exactly happened to him, what is certain is that Ali Reza was beaten with a baton by officers during the march on June 15, 2009”. (Rooz Online, July 28, 2011),)

For 27 days after June 15, no information on Ali Reza’s whereabouts or status was revealed to the Eftekhari family. Finally, on July 12 they were told that Ali Reza’s body could be picked up at the Kahrizak forensic department, where they received the body encased in concrete and cement blocks. (Committee of Human Rights Reporters, July 15, 2009)

The Eftekhari family was told that Ali Reza had died from a brain hemorrhage, but they were not informed where he was taken after the baton hit him, if he had died in a hospital, or if Ali Reza had died immediately at the scene of the incident. The chief of the Middle East section of Reporters Without Borders, repeatedly requested the state launch an investigation into Mr. Eftekhari’s death but never received a response to his petitions. (Radio Farda, September 28, 2014) 

Officials’ Reaction

Immediately after Mr. Eftekhari’s death, some of his former colleagues at Abrar-e Eqtesadi were summoned and told that they were not allowed to mention anything about him. (Rooz Online, July 28, 2011) The press spokesman for the Ministry of Islamic Guidance denied that any journalist had been killed during the 2009 protests. (Rooz Online, July 28, 2011)

Security forces  put Mr. Eftekhari’s family under intense pressure and threatened them, saying they were not allowed to hold a memorial ceremony. Otherwise, Mr. Eftekhari’s sister would “face a fate worse than her brother’s (Pezhvak-e Iran, July 24, 2009).

They also threatened his family, saying they were not allowed to say that Mr. Eftekhari was a journalist. Due to these pressures and threats, the family was forced to change their residence (Rooz Online, July 28, 2011).

Familys’ Reaction

According to Mr. Eftekhari’s mother, the family filed a complaint but received no results. Their lawyer told them that nothing could be achieved, and it would be better to just drop the complaint, which they did. 

Impacts on Family

As Mr. Eftekhari’s father was disabled due to his having had a stroke, the Eftekhari family lost their only source of income upon losing Ali Reza, their only son, and became extremely impoverished (Rooz Online, July 28, 2011)

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