Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Ameneh Shahbazifard

About

Age: 36
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Married

Case

Date of Killing: November 17, 2019
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Sarasiab, Malard, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary Execution » Arbitrary shooting » Assault weapon/ Fire arm » targeting vital organs
Charges: Unknown charge
Age at time of alleged offense: 36

About this Case

Ms. Shahbazifard was shot from behind and killed as she was trying to help an injured young man during the protests, attempting to tie her scarf around his leg to stop the bleeding.

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of 36-year-old Ameneh Shahbazifard, a married woman and daughter of Yunes Ali and Soraya, was obtained through an interview conducted by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC) with her brother, Mohammad Mahdi Shahbazifard on August 19, 2022. The Additional information was gathered from IranWire (November 24, 2019), the Center for Human Rights in Iran (December 9, 2019), Radio Farda (November 18, 2021), and Radio Zamaneh (November 19, 2022). 

Ms. Shahbazifard was born on December 30, 1983, in the village of Varkeh Rud, near Qazvin. She graduated from high school, got married, and became a mother of three (two daughters and one son). She worked as a secretary and occasionally as a taxi driver for her brother's call-in taxi service. Her brother remembers her as a kind woman who always tried to help those around her (ABC interview). 

Ms. Shahbazifard was killed during nationwide protests against the significant increase in gasoline prices in November 2019. 

Background on the November 2019 protests

Just before midnight on November 14, 2019, the Iranian government announced a sharp increase in the price of gasoline (50% for subsidized gas and 200% for unsubsidized gas). The announcement led to countrywide protests starting on November 15. Based on available reports and video footage, non-violent protesters gathered in public places, blocked some roads and created traffic jams while chanting anti-government slogans on November 15 and 16. They called on fellow citizens to turn off their cars or chanted anti-regime slogans* in scores of cities and localities. By the evening of November 16, banks were reportedly set on fire in some areas and shooting was heard in some videos. The same evening, Iran imposed a countrywide information blackout by cutting off citizens’ access to the world web for at least ten days, undermining protesters’ ability to organize or to report on the state’s brutal response to their protest.** 

Iranian authorities’ response to unarmed protesters was swift, disproportionate, and deadly. Accusatory statements of the Islamic Republic’s leaders as early as November 16 indicated their lack of tolerance for citizens’ public expression of grievances. Protesters were accused of “evildoing” and having links to forces outside the country and were warned of harsh punishment for damaging properties. The first casualty was reported on November 15. On the second day of the protests, casualties increased with deadly shootings by the security forces in several cities. In videos sent from Iran, security forces can be seen using firearms and aiming at protesters in circumstances that do not appear to be life threatening. Plainclothes militias can also be seen beating and arresting protesters. In some cases, protesters blocked roads or gathered in front of police stations and government buildings, or chased security forces away with stones. Banks and other public structures in several provinces were burned, apparently by angry protesters, and security forces can be seen in videos damaging properties. The protest, which spread to scores of cities (120), roads and localities outside urban areas was quashed within a few days.

At the time of this writing, The exact number of casualties remains unknown. In most cases, the authorities took dead and injured protesters away. In an effort to conceal the truth, authorities made families commit to silence in return for their loved ones’ bodies, forced some to bury them at night under security agent control, and asked others to pay various sums of money. On December 2, 2019, Amnesty International reported at least 208 deaths. Many protesters were shot in the head and hundreds more were injured and many are not accounted for. Iran acknowledged the death of five members of the security forces. According to one parliamentarian, at least 7,000 were arrested during and in the aftermath of the protest. The lack of transparency on arrests, official reports about detainees’ self-incriminating “confessions” in the immediate aftermath of the protests, and reports from overcrowded prisons and detention centers raised serious concerns about the safety of detainees. 

Ms. Ameneh Shahbazifard’s arbitrary execution 

According to available information, Ameneh Shahbazifard was fatally shot by security forces around 8 p.m. on Sunday, November 17, 2019, on Iran Zamin Street in the Sarasab neighborhood of Malard.

She had gone out to purchase medication for her child on the second day of the November 2019 protests. On her way back, near her home, she saw a young man who had been shot in the leg. She approached to help him and removed her scarf to tie it around the wound. While tending to the injury, security forces shot her in the neck from behind and she died at the scene. (ABC interview)

Her husband, who had been worried, kept calling her cell phone. After several unanswered calls, an unknown man finally answered and said, "The owner of this phone has been shot and taken away by a police bus." Her husband began searching for her and eventually went to Imam Sadegh Hospital in Shahriar. There, noticing his distress, a staff member discreetly led him to the morgue, where he found her body. She had been shot in the back of the neck and died as a result. (ABC interview)

Ms. Shahbazifard’s body was first taken to Shahriar Social Security Hospital and then to Tehran Forensic Medicine Organization. On November 19, 2019, she was buried in Behesht-e Zahra Cemetery amid a heavy security presence. Only a limited number of family members were permitted to attend the burial.

(ABC interview; Center for Human Rights in Iran, December 9, 2019). 

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms. 

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible: a) Warning shots; b) Shots aimed at the lower body; c) Shots aimed at the upper body. (Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

Note 1:If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary". 

Officials’ Reaction 

The death certificate, issued on November 24, 2019, listed the cause of Ameneh Shahbazifard’s death as "trauma caused by hard or sharp objects" (Radio Zamaneh, November 19, 2022).

Security forces initially refused to hand over Ms. Shahbazifard’s body to her family, demanding that the burial take place at night. However, after repeated follow-ups by the family, the authorities agreed to release the body on the condition that the funeral be held quietly, that no one speak publicly about the case, that any suspicious behavior be reported to security institutions, and that the burial take place in a designated cemetery section. Officials at Behesht-e Zahra Cemetery charged the family 4,500,000 tomans to release the body.

Subsequently, the Malard Criminal Investigation Department summoned the family and requested that they file an official complaint. (ABC interview; IranWire, November 24, 2019).

The Malard judiciary dismissed the case, citing a "lack of evidence," and offered the family blood money (diyeh) instead. (ABC interview)

Security authorities summoned Ms. Shahbazifard’s mother and brother on multiple occasions. When they refused to remain silent and declined to attend interrogations, the authorities threatened them, saying, "If you don't stop what you're doing, we will do to you what we did to your sister." (ABC interview). 

Familys’ Reaction

Ms. Shahbazifard’s family spoke with international media outlets about her death, revealing details about what happened. They also filed a legal complaint with the Malard Court. Despite their efforts, the case yielded no results. (ABC interview)

Impacts on Family 

According to available information, Ameneh Shahbazifard’s death had a devastating and irreversible impact on her family, particularly her children.

Her brother, Mohammad Mahdi Shahbazifard, said that he was not in Iran when she died and could not say farewell. He described her as a companion who was both a father and a mother to him.

Her death deeply affected her children. Her older son, who was 14 years old at the time, experienced emotional shock and was unable to attend school for some time. Her younger son, 12 years old at the time, was unaware of her death and repeatedly asked family members to return his mother to him. (Center for Human Rights in Iran, December 9, 2019).

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* Slogans included: “We are just tired,” “What a mistake we made with the revolution,” “Reza Shah, may your soul rest in peace,” ”Death to the dictator,” “We will get our rights, we will not accept indignity,” “How long should the money of Iranians go to Gaza and Lebanon’s pockets?,” and “We are people, not hooligans. Gas should be cheaper”
** Internet access for homes was partially restored in most provinces (except in Khuzestan and Sistan and Baluchestan) but citizens had no access to the world web through mobile phones until early December 2019. Phone services and national Internet, which can be more easily controlled by the state, allowed communications throughout this period.

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