Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Mostafa Ghanian

About

Age: 27
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Islam (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Single

Case

Date of Killing: June 15, 2009
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Sa'adat Abad, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: targeting vital organs
Charges: Unknown charge

About this Case

"A pious, humble, cheerful, warm-hearted, modest, kind, and moral young man - one whom all his friends described as truly admirable."

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mostafa Ghanian, the son of Mohammad Taqi, was obtained from HRANA (June 19, 2009) and from an electronic form submitted to the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center by one of his close acquaintances (June 11, 2010). Additional information was gathered from the websites of the Committee of Human Rights Reporters (June 21, 2009), IRNA (July 1, 2009), Iran newspaper (August 9, 2009), Association of Iranian Political Prisoners (August 11, 2009), Sarmayeh (August 31, 2009), Iran-e Sabz (April 19, 2010), Daneshjoo News (June 15, 2010), Jaras (June 19, 2010), Norooz (June 20, 2010), and Radio Farda (January 24, 2014).

Mr. Ghanian was born in Mashhad on June 24, 1983. He was single and a university student. He earned an associate degree from Islamic Azad University in Birjand and was pursuing a bachelor's degree in agriculture at Azad University, Roudehen Branch. He lived in an apartment in Saadatabad, Tehran. According to a friend, despite his family's wealth, Mostafa was modest and down-to-earth, always present among friends and never drawing social distinctions between people. He loved music - especially the classics of Shamaeezadeh and Hayedeh - as well as rap. He subscribed to Mashin magazine and had a special passion for classic American cars. He also served as a judge for the Automobile and Motorcycle Federation. (Electronic form, June 11, 2010)

According to his close friend, Mostafa was extremely polite and conscientious in social situations. If he sensed that someone was upset with him, he would go out of his way to make amends. He was known to be shy and overly considerate - he never liked to impose on anyone. His home in Tehran became a meeting place and shelter for friends. When his friends from Mashhad came to visit, he would drop everything to welcome and care for them. His friend said, "I have never found a friend like Mostafa in my life." (Electronic Form, June 11, 2010)

His father, Mohammad Taqi Ghanian, described him as "a pious, humble, cheerful, warm-hearted, modest, kind and moral young man - someone whom all his friends described as truly admirable. He added that although Mostafa was unhappy with the state of the country and well aware of the injustices perpetrated by the authorities, he never participated in political activities. (Radio Farda, January 24, 2014)

Mr. Ghanian disagreed with the outcome of the 2009 presidential election and believed it was rigged. He learned through social media that a nightly campaign of chanting "Allahu Akbar" from rooftops had begun in protest, so he decided to join. (Radio Farda, January 24, 2014) 

2009 Election - Background 

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote.  Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets.  Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country.  The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.”  Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.). 

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election.  Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud.  They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election.  Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election.  In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested.

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran.  As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people.  To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events.  Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran.  The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.”  The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters.  Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction. 

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests.  Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent.  These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them.  

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites.  Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution.  They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.” 

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression.  At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests.  Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it. 

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known.  According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country.  More than seventy names have been reported.  It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews.  Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one.  

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored.  Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published.  State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture.

Mr. Mostafa Ghanian’s arbitrary execution 

According to available information, on June 16, 2009, at 2:00 a.m., Mr. Mostafa Ghanian was shot and killed while standing on the roof of his apartment building chanting "Allahu Akbar" in solidarity with protesters challenging the results of Iran's 10th presidential election.

In the midst of widespread public protests following the 2009 presidential election, Mr. Ghanian's father, who had just returned from a trip abroad, visited his son's student apartment in Saadatabad, Tehran. While hosting his father, Mostafa told him that every night he joined others who went to their rooftops and chanted "Allahu Akbar" in protest of the election results. That evening, friends arrived at the apartment to join Mostafa. He assured his father that he would be back soon and not to worry. Mostafa and his friends then went to the roof of their eight-story building and began chanting. Soon, neighbors from nearby rooftops joined in. Soon after, someone knocked on the door of Mostafa's apartment. When his father opened the door, a man said that Mostafa was calling him from the roof and asked him to come upstairs. (Radio Farda, January 24, 2014)

As Mr. Ghanian's father reached the roof, he heard people shouting that shots were being fired and telling everyone to turn off the lights. That is when he saw his son lying in a pool of blood- he had been shot in the head. He later described the scene at a memorial service: "Less than five minutes after my son Mostafa, left my side, I found him on the roof of the eighth floor, his head covered in blood. Holding him in my arms, I looked at his face - so innocent and covered in blood - and asked: 'Mostafa, my son, what have you done to deserve this? (Radio Farda, January 24, 2014).

The ambulance driver affiliated with the IRGC Intelligence Organization who transported Mr. Ghanian's body took a photo of him and later sent it to his brother with the message: "I knew you would never see his body again. That's why I took this picture and sent it to you." (Radio Farda, January 24, 2014)

Mr. Ghanian's body was prepared for burial by security officials at the Behesht Zahra cemetery in Tehran. His family was not allowed to see him prior to burial (Electronic Form, June 11, 2010)

Through the mediation of Ayatollah Vaez Tabasi (the Supreme Leader's representative in Khorasan Province and a long-time friend of Mr. Ghanian's father), Mr. Ghanian's body was transferred under heavy security from Tehran to Mashhad and buried on June 18, 2009 in Section 2, Block 157 of Behesht-e Samen al-A'emmeh Cemetery, adjacent to the Imam Reza Shrine. The gravestone was inscribed with the words: "For what sin were you killed?" (Jaras, June 19, 2010; Iran-e Sabz, June 20, 2010).

On the first anniversary of Mr. Ghanian's death, a memorial service was held at his gravesite on June 17, 2010. Despite the heavy presence of plainclothes agents and security forces, a large number of people attended the ceremony. (Jaras, June 19, 2010; Daneshjoo News, June 15, 2010) 

Officials’ Reaction 

Security forces pressured Mr. Ghanian's family to sign a written pledge that they would not hold an independent memorial service as a condition for the release of his body. In addition, the authorities maintained tight control over the funeral by deploying large numbers of plainclothes officers to the burial site. They also brought in unidentified people and presented them as Mr. Ghanian's relatives. (HRANA, June 19, 2009)

On June 24, 2009, Vatan-e Emrooz and Iran newspapers quoted Mohammad Taqi Ghanian, Mostafa's father, as saying during a memorial service at the Karamat Mosque that Mir Hossein Mousavi was "responsible for his son's death" and called for his punishment. (IRNA, July 1, 2009)

Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic, who had known Mohammad Taqi Ghanian before the revolution through their political activism at the Karamat Mosque in Mashhad, met with him during an informal trip to the city in the summer of 2009. During this private meeting, Khamenei expressed his sorrow and regret over "the mistreatment by certain individuals" toward the Ghanian family. He also criticized "the efforts of certain individuals and political factions to exploit the situation for their own ends" (Sarmayeh, August 31, 2009).

In Mashhad, security officials summoned and threatened students who had planned to organize a memorial for Mr. Ghanian. (Daneshjoo News, June 15, 2010)

The Iranian judiciary never acted on the complaint filed by Mr. Ghanian's family regarding their son’s death. (Radio Farda, January 24, 2014) 

"Less than five minutes after my son, Mostafa, left my side, I found him on the roof of the eighth floor, his head covered in blood. Holding him in my arms, I looked at his face - so innocent and covered in blood - and asked, 'Mostafa, my son, what did you do to deserve this?"

Familys’ Reaction 

Immediately after his son's death, Mohammad Taqi Ghanian filed a complaint with the Tehran Criminal Court against the "person or persons" responsible for what he called a " meaningless crime."" (Iran Newspaper, August 9, 2009)

On June 20, 2009, during a memorial ceremony held three days after Mostafa's death at the Qoba Mosque in Mashhad, Mr. Ghanian gave a speech in which he described the moment of his son's murder:

"O Lord, You have said that You test Your servants. My merciful God, You have tested me in the most painful way. Less than five minutes after my son Mostafa left my side, I found him in my arms on the roof of the eighth floor, his head pierced by a bullet and his body drenched in blood. He died before my eyes. At that moment, I whispered, "For what sin were you killed?" and I was reminded of my master, Hossein, holding the bloodied body of Ali Akbar. Like him, I found myself murmuring, 'There is no day like your day, O Aba Abdillah. And as Hossein said, "O God, I am accepting of Your will and submitting to Your command. There is no god but Thee,' so I whispered, 'My Lord, I am satisfied with Thy will and submit to Thy decree. In that terrible night, in a city far away, I had no one. Again I thought of my master, Ali bin Musa al-Reza, who died in exile in Tous, far from his family. O Lord, you entrusted us with a son for 26 years. We did our best to raise him with faith, kindness, and compassion - and Mostafa was indeed such a man. He was pious, humble, warm-hearted, moral, and, as his friends said, admirable. He had the dignity and the spirit to give his life for Islam, for the Qur'an, for the independence of this country, and for the freedom of the Muslim people of Iran. Now, O my God, I return this trust to You. Accept it. Truly, we belong to God, and to Him we shall return. I declare with all sincerity that I am completely happy with my son Mostafa. May you also be delighted with him." (Iran-e Sabz, April 19, 2010)

On July 1, 2009, in an interview with IRNA (the Islamic Republic News Agency), Mr. Ghanian denied allegations published in Vatan-e Emrooz and Iranian newspapers that he had blamed Mir Hossein Mousavi for his son's death. He clarified: "My son's funeral was held in Qoba Mosque on June 20, 2009, and I made no accusations against any individual or group. However, false statements have been attributed to me in certain media, falsely accusing others, which I strongly deny. I have read and heard statements in major newspapers that are baseless, false, and clearly intended to mislead public opinion." (IRNA, July 1, 2009)

In response to these false reports, Mr. Ghanian filed a formal complaint with the Press Supervisory Board against Vatan-e Emrooz and Iranian newspapers for attributing fabricated statements to him. (Committee of Human Rights Reporters, August 26, 2009)

Mr. Ghanian later met informally with Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei during the Leader's trip to Mashhad. According to Mr. Ghanian, he had hoped to provide Khamenei with accurate information about the circumstances of his son's death. During the meeting, however, he realized that the Supreme Leader was already fully aware of the events surrounding the 2009 protests, including the death of Mostafa Ghanian and others. (Sarmayeh, August 31, 2009)

On June 17, 2010, on the first anniversary of Mostafa's death, Mr. Ghanian again addressed the public, thanking them for their presence and reaffirming his son's innocence. (Jaras, June 19, 2010) 

Impacts on Family

No further information is available on the emotional, psychological and financial impact of Mr. Ghanian's arbitrary execution on his family.

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