Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Fatemeh Rajabpur

About

Age: 38
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Presumed Muslim (Shi'a)
Civil Status: Unknown

Case

Date of Killing: June 15, 2009
Gravesite location is known: Yes
Location of Killing: Safa Alley, Azadi Square, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: targeting vital organs

About this Case

According to an eyewitness, "The gunfire directed at the kindergarten was so continuous and relentless that people fled in fear to nearby streets and couldn’t stay beside the mother and daughter who had been shot to help them."

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Ms. Fatemeh Rajabpur has been obtained from the website of the Islamic Revolution Document Center (June 15, 2017), Iran Newspaper (June 18, 2009), Fars News Agency (June 17, 2009), ISNA (October 12, 2009), and ILNA (August 26, 2009). Her name appears on several lists of those killed during the 2009 post-election protests. Details of the shooting at the Ashura Basij base on June 15, 2009, were also obtained through an interview conducted by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC) with an eyewitness who was present at the scene. Additional information was gathered from Javan Online (January 15, 2011), Fars News Agency (June 17 and 18, 2009), Green Path Movement (Jaras, July 16, 2010), Tasnim News Agency (December 30, 2014), Radio Farda (December 20, 2014), and the archived website Shams - Martyrs of the Green Movement. 

Ms. Fatemeh Rajabpor was a graduate student pursuing a master’s degree in Educational Technology. She worked as an employee and teacher at the “Avaye Baran” kindergarten in Tehran. (Javan Online, January 15, 2011) No detailed information about Ms. Rajabpor’s childhood or early life has been published. 

Ms. Rajabpor was the daughter of Ms. Sorur Borumand, another victim of the 2009 post-election protests. Her mother also worked at the same kindergarten. (Iran Newspaper, June 18, 2009; Fars News Agency, June 17, 2009) She came from a six-member family and had one sister and two brothers. (Javan Online, January 15, 2011) 

According to some pro-government sources, Ms. Rajabpor was a devout believer and went beyond her professional duties to support children at the kindergarten. "She didn’t charge some families. For some, she even bought clothes. When some children got sick, she took them to the doctor at her own expense." (Javan Online, January 15, 2011)

2009 Election Protests

Election returns from Iran’s June 12th, 2009, presidential election declared Mahmoud Ahmadinejad re-elected with 62.63 percent of the vote. Following the announcement, citizens disputing these official results demonstrated in the streets. Text messaging services were disrupted starting at 11:00 p.m. on the night before the election and remained unavailable for nearly three weeks, until July 1st. On Election Day, the deputy chief of Iranian police announced a ban on any gathering of presidential candidates’ supporters throughout the country. The same evening, security forces made a “show of strength,” increasing their presence in Tehran’s public squares to “reinforce security at polling stations.” Officials at election headquarters began reporting results soon after midnight, despite a statement from the Minister of the Interior that the first returns would not be announced until after the morning prayer (around 4:00 a.m.).

Many supporters of other presidential candidates came out into the streets on June 13th, once the results were made public, to protest what they believed to be a fraudulent election. Candidates Mir Hossein Musavi, Mehdi Karubi, and Mohsen Reza’i, Ahmadinejad’s competitors in the race, contested the election, alleging many instances of fraud. They filed complaints with the Council of Guardians, the constitutional body charged with vetting candidates before elections take place and approving the results afterwards, requesting an annulment and calling for a new election. Before the Council of Guardians could review their claims, however, the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, congratulated Ahmadinejad on his re-election. In the meantime, many people active in Karubi’s and Musavi’s campaigns were arrested.

On June 15th, unprecedented demonstrations filled the streets of central Tehran, in which an estimated three million protestors participated, according to statements attributed to the mayor of Tehran. As the demonstrations were ending, paramilitary forces attacked the marchers, injuring and killing several people. To prevent such news from being broadcast, the Iranian government expelled foreign journalists from the country and banned news agencies from reporting on the events. Over the next three days, protesters took part in peaceful demonstrations in Tehran. The repression entered a new phase on June 19th after Ayatollah Khamenei’s Friday sermon, in which he announced his support for Ahmadinejad and warned protestors that they were responsible for any disorder and its consequences. Amnesty International stated that the speech gave “legitimacy to police brutality.” The next day and thereafter, police and plainclothes paramilitary groups attacked the protesters. Public gatherings of any kind were declared illegal, and police, motorcycle-riding special units wearing black uniforms and helmets, and plainclothes agents brutally enforced this restriction.

Individuals in civilian clothing, commonly referred to as plainclothes forces, are used in the Islamic Republic to disrupt political and trade union activities, student events and gatherings, electoral initiatives, and protests. Armed with sticks and clubs, and sometimes with chains, knives, batons, or firearms, they emerge when the state decides to suppress dissent. These plainclothes forces move about freely, violently beating protesters and arresting them, while the police passively look on or actively cooperate with them.

There is little information on the command structure and organization of such groups, whose members wear ordinary clothing rather than official uniforms and may be affiliated with the ministry of information, influential political groups, or the armed forces. Following the post-election demonstrations in June 2009, pictures of some plainclothes agents were posted on internet websites. Internet users helped to identify some of them and provided evidence that these individuals were affiliated with the Basij paramilitary groups, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, and state intelligence forces. On September 16, 2009, a deputy commander of the Revolutionary Guards Corps of the Province of Tehran confirmed the active and decisive role of Basij forces in the repression of the demonstrations, saying, “Basijis, through their presence in recent events, have blinded the eyes of the conspirators, and they should be appreciated… The enemies of Islam wanted to make the air dusty and to exploit the recent events, but thank God, through the enlightenment of the Honorable Leader we were victorious against this conspiracy.” He also emphasized, “The zealous youth of [the] Basij, believers in the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent, are the second and third generations of the Revolution. They have been successful in this stage and victorious on this battlefield.”

When personal property was damaged during the protests, government authorities and state-run radio and television programs accused the demonstrators of vandalism and justified the repression. At the same time, however, footage posted online showed security forces destroying and damaging property on side streets and in uncongested areas away from the protests. Moreover, in a public gathering in Tehran on October 20th, the chief of Iranian police conceded that police had destroyed and damaged property and accepted responsibility for it.

The precise number of citizens injured, killed, or disappeared in the post-election violence is not known. According to various reports, there were hundreds of victims in demonstrations throughout the country. More than seventy names have been reported. It is said that officials have threatened victims’ family members, demanding their silence and that they refrain from giving interviews. Reports also allege that returning a victim’s body to a family has been made conditional upon their agreement to change the cause of death listed on the coroner’s certificate to that of a heart attack or some other natural cause — thus foregoing the right to file a complaint — as well as the family's agreement not to hold memorial services for the loved one.

According to government statements, more than 4,000 people were arrested throughout Iran in the weeks following June 12th. Many have been held at the Kahrizak Detention Center, where prisoners’ rights and minimum hygiene standards were typically ignored. Numerous reports of violence, including the torture and rape of detainees, have been published. State reports and testimonies confirm that a number of detainees at Kahrizak died in custody due to beatings, difficult and unbearable prison conditions, and torture.

Ms. Fatemeh Rajabpur’s Arbitrary Execution 

According to available information, Fatemeh Rajabpur, and her mother Sorur Borumand were shot and killed during the protests in Tehran on June 15, 2009. They were shot in the courtyard of the "Avaye Baran" kindergarten near Azadi Square, which they had entered to hide from the chaos outside.

That day, demonstrators gathered throughout Tehran to protest the results of the presidential election. As the rally ended and the crowd began to disperse, Basij paramilitary forces opened fire, killing and injuring several people. At the northern edge of Azadi Square, near the beginning of the Mohammad Ali Jenah Expressway, members of the 117 Ashura Battalion fired on demonstrators from the roof and windows of their base. Videos posted on YouTube at the time show dozens of demonstrators outside the Basij base chanting slogans. There is no footage of direct confrontation, but the sound of gunfire is clearly heard and injured people can be seen being carried away. An eyewitness confirmed that the protesters in the vicinity were unarmed. The exact number of casualties remains unknown, but Fatemeh Rajabpur, her mother, Davud Sadri, Sohrab Arabi, and Naser Amirnejad were shot and killed that day. (ABC’s research)

Journalist Ehsan Mehrabi, who was in the crowd that day, later stated: "From noon, when the demonstrators passed by the Basij base, the anger and tension were clearly visible on the faces of the Basij members standing on the roof." According to eyewitnesses, plainclothes agents, uniformed Basij forces, and riot police were present in the streets alongside the demonstrators, attempting to silence and disperse them. The father of Ahmad Na'imabadi, a young man who was also killed in the same area on the same day, recounted: "Shots were fired both from the roof and from the crowd. Someone standing among the people was given a short-barreled hunting rifle and fired at the demonstrators" (Radio Farda, December 20, 2014).

“Avaye Baran” kindergarten, where Fatemeh Rajabpur worked, was located next to the 117 Ashura Battalion base (part of the Qods Special Basij Resistance Unit), at the corner of Vafa Alley and the start of Mohammad Ali Jenah Expressway (Fars News Agency, June 17, 2009). Reports indicate that the kindergarten was officially closed that day, but state-affiliated media claimed that Ms. Borumand and her daughter were there to “clean the building” (Fars News Agency, June 17, 2009). Seeing the unrest in the streets, the two reportedly called home and said they would stay at the kindergarten overnight. Later that evening, Ebrahim Rajabpur, Fatemeh’s father, tried to call his wife and daughter but received no answer (Javan Online, January 15, 2011). Ali Rajabpur, her brother, told Fars News Agency: "When we arrived at the kindergarten, my brother-in-law and I knocked and rang the bell, but there was no answer. Finally, we had to climb over the gate to get inside. Once inside, I found my mother lying in a prostrate position. My sister was lying nearby, her glasses smashed all over her face. They had died helplessly and unjustly" (Fars News Agency, June 17, 2009).

In an interview with Iran newspaper, Ebrahim Rajabpur recalled that they tried to call the kindergarten several times that day, but no one answered. When they heard that a rally of Mir Hossein Musavi's supporters might be taking place near the area, they became concerned and went there with their children. "The door wouldn't open. No matter how loudly I shouted, no one answered," he said. "So we forced the door open and went inside. That's when I saw my wife and daughter lying on the floor, shot in the neck and back" (Iran Newspaper, June 18, 2009).

An eyewitness stated that the gunfire on the kindergarten was so relentless and continuous that by the time people dared to approach the victims, they were no longer able to respond (Radio Farda, December 20, 2014).

Ali Akbar Sadri, whose son Davud Sadri was also killed in the same area that day, relayed the account of a witness who said: "One of the reasons why people suddenly poured into the streets was the sound of warning shots. As soon as they came out, they were shot. Referring to Fatemeh Rajabpur and her mother, he added: "Out of fear, the mother and daughter ran into the kindergarten, locked the door and leaned against it" (Jaras - The Green Path of Hope, July 16, 2010).

No forensic report or official death certificate has been released regarding the deaths of Ms Rajabpur and her mother. According to Ebrahim Rajabpur, both were shot in the back and neck. "Doctors confirmed that they died instantly from the shots," he said (HRANA, July 21, 2009; Shams - Martyrs of the Green Movement, archived source, date unknown).

The family found the bodies of Fatemeh Rajabpur and her mother in the kindergarten the same night. On June 17, 2009, the two were buried in Section 45, Row 120, Plot 39 of Behesht Zahra Cemetery in Tehran, reportedly under the supervision of security forces and in the presence of close family and friends (Fars News Agency, June 17-18, 2009; Radio Farda, December 20, 2014).

Ms. Rajabpur was approximately 38 years old at the time of her death. 

Regulations on Controlling Protests

There have been numerous reports of deaths during critical demonstrations in Iran. In many of these cases, armed forces have used firearms to suppress protests. Iranian law provides certain regulations regarding the use of firearms by armed forces during demonstrations. In addition, there are legal provisions in Iran for the punishment of officials who act unlawfully by firing weapons, as well as rules for the compensation of victims. This brief overview will review these provisions.

The law allows armed forces officials to use firearms in certain situations, including to prevent riots and disorders. However, the law does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes riots and disorders. The Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases, enacted in 1994, outlines specific conditions for the use of firearms. The main principle established by this law is that of necessity, meaning that armed forces officers may fire their weapons only in emergencies. Regarding protests, Articles 4 and 5 of this law allow officials to use their weapons under certain conditions to restore order and prevent riots. Article 4 states: "Police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and control illegal demonstrations, suppress riots and disorders that cannot be controlled without the use of weapons, upon the order of the commander of the operation, if the following conditions are met:".

a) Other measures must have been tried first and proven ineffective.

b) There must be a final warning to the rioters and insurgents before the use of firearms. 

Note 1: The determination of riots under Article 4 is the responsibility of the heads of the provincial and district security councils. In their absence, it is the responsibility of their deputies. If the governor has no political deputy, this responsibility is assigned to a member of the Security Council. Note 2: In cases where armed forces are assigned the task of restoring order and security under this article, they are also subject to the provisions of this article regarding the use of firearms. This article clearly states that armed personnel must first use non-lethal methods and only resort to firearms if those methods fail to control the situation. They must also warn the demonstrators. The law does not specify what other non-lethal methods should be used, but logically they would include things like water cannons, tear gas, and batons. This article refers to unarmed protests. For armed demonstrations, Article 5 states: "Military and police officers are authorized to use firearms to restore order and security during illegal armed demonstrations, riots and armed rebellions. Such forces are required to act immediately upon orders of the commander to restore order, disarm and collect weapons and ammunition, and arrest those to be handed over to the judicial authorities".

In all of the above situations, officers must first have no alternative but to use their firearms. In addition, they must follow the following sequence, if possible: a) Warning shots; b) Shots aimed at the lower body; c) Shots aimed at the upper body. (Note 3, Article 3)

If an officer shoots following the above regulations and the victim is not found to be innocent, neither the officer nor the officer's organization will be held responsible (Article 12). However, if the officer violates these rules, shoots without following the rules, and someone is injured or killed as a result, the officer may face retaliation, compensation, or imprisonment, depending on the case. Article 41 of the Armed Forces Crimes Law states: "Any armed forces personnel who, while on duty or operations, intentionally shoot in violation of rules and regulations will be sentenced to imprisonment for three months to one year, and will also have to pay blood money. If the shooting results in death or injury, the officer will be sentenced to the above punishment, in addition to retaliation or payment of blood money, as the case may require. If the case falls under Articles 612 or 614 of the Islamic Penal Code (enacted on May 23, 1996), the officer will be subject to the penalties specified in those articles."

The law also addresses a situation where an officer follows all required protocols for the use of firearms, but the victim is still found innocent in court.

Note 1:If the shooting was conducted according to regulations, the officer will not be punished or required to pay blood money. If the victim is found innocent, the blood money will be paid from public funds. According to Article 13 of the Law on the Use of Firearms by the Armed Forces in Essential Cases: "If officials use firearms under this Law and an innocent person is killed or injured, as determined by the courts, or if there is financial damage, the responsibility for paying financial compensation and covering the damage falls on the relevant organization. The government is required to allocate a budget for this purpose each year and to provide it to the armed forces as necessary".

Officials’ Reaction 

The Fars News Agency, which is linked to Iran's security establishment, claimed that the deaths of Fatemeh Rajabpur and her mother were the result of "rioters' gunfire toward the kindergarten" (Fars News Agency, June 18, 2009). On October 12, 2009, Brigadier General Abdollah Araqi, commander of the Mohammad Rasulollah IRGC unit in Tehran, confirmed that Basij forces had opened fire on demonstrators outside the base of the 117th Ashura Battalion (ISNA, October 12, 2009). Both the commander of the Tehran Basij and the commander of the Basij base at the Panbechi Mosque also confirmed the deaths of Fatemeh Rajabpur and her mother. However, Brigadier General Araqi stated, "Expert reports indicate that the angle of the shots did not come from our forces" (Fars News Agency, June 17, 2009; ILNA, August 26, 2009). This claim contrasts with eyewitness accounts and video footage showing that protesters around the Basij base were unarmed. Moreover, government sources did not report any arrests of armed individuals or injuries among the Basij forces stationed at the site. No information has been released about the type of bullets that killed Fatemeh Rajabpur and her mother, or whether they matched the ammunition fired by Basij forces that day (ABC Research).

A year after the incident, Javan Online, a website affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), reported that the tombstones of Fatemeh Rajabpur and her mother had been "repeatedly damaged and broken." When the family planted a tree at the gravesite, it was also destroyed. The article did not identify those responsible, claiming instead that "this was the price the Rajabpur family paid for refusing to side with the seditionists and rioters" (Javan Online, January 15, 2011). Iranian officials and state media commonly use the term “sedition” (fitna) to describe the 2009 protest movement.

Years after the incident, Hamid Rasa'i, then a member of parliament representing Tehran, attributed the deaths of Fatemeh Rajabpur and Sorur Botumand Chukami to the so-called "seditionists" (Tasnim News Agency, December 30, 2014).

Nearly six years after the events of June 15, 2009, the Islamic Revolution Document Center also claimed that Fatemeh Rajabpur and her mother, and the other victims of that day had been killed “by non-standard bullets” (Islamic Revolution Document Center, June 15, 2017). 

Familys’ Reaction 

There is no public information to indicate whether Rajabpur’s family has taken any legal action regarding the killings. However, in an interview with Iran's state-run newspaper, her brother Ali Rajabpur said:

"These two belonged to God, and we entrust the matter to Him. They were killed innocently" (Iran Newspaper, June 18, 2009).

Ebrahim Rajabpur, Fatemeh’s father, told Fars News Agency: "May God destroy the one who committed this crime, because before my eyes they destroyed my whole family" (Fars News Agency, June 17, 2009). 

Impacts on Family

The available information is limited in terms of the emotional or psychological impact of Fatemeh’s killing on her family members. However, according to Javan Online, "from that very night, the father's hands began to shake uncontrollably and continued without stopping" (Javan Online, January 15, 2011).

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