Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Naser Tofiqian

About

Nationality: Iran
Religion: Non-Believer
Civil Status: Unknown

Case

Date of Killing: April 7, 1979
Location of Killing: Esfahan Province Governorate, Esfahan, Esfahan Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Arbitrary shooting

About this Case

He was a fifth year Mathematics student at Esfahan University. After the 1979 revolution, he began to work with the workers, particularly the unemployed workers of Esfahan. He was a well-known figure among the political activists in Esfahan. 

Information regarding the arbitrary execution of Mr. Naser Tofiqian was collected from Ayandegan Newspaper (April 9, 1979), Islamic Revolution Committee of Esfahan bulletin in Ettela’at Newspaper (April 10, 1979), Paygham e Emruz (April 11, 1979), Kayhan (April 8 and 10, 1979), Paykar Publication – the newspaper of the Organization Fighting for the Liberation of the Working Class (Paykar Issue 49 / April 7, 1979; Paykar Issue 51 / April 21, 1980; and Paykar Issue 100 / April 6, 1981), Shahrvand website (September 7, 2017), Conversations in Prison (August 30, 2021), and the Quarterly Journal of Political Economy Critique (a publication of Razmandegan Organization for the Liberation of the Working Class, 1979).

According to available information, Mr. Tofiqian was a fifth year Mathematics student at Esfahan University. After the 1979 revolution, he started to work with the workers, particularly the unemployed workers in Esfahan. He was a well-known figure among the political activists in Esfahan and he worked as a welder. In the demonstrations, he helped to put the requests of the workers in writing and to take these to the authorities.

In the timeline of the Martyrs of the Razmandegan Organization for the Liberation of the Working Class, Mr. Tofiqian is named as a supporter of this organization (Conversations in Prison, August 30, 2021).

Paykar Organization first named Mr. Tofiqian as one of their supporters, but according to what was said in their 1981 publication, “Comrade Naser was an activist in the event known as ‘Line 3’ and he was closer to our organization and to our political-ideological policies than any other group.” (Paykar Publication number 100 – April 6, 1981).

On April 7, 1979, Mr. Tofiqian participated in demonstrations alongside unemployed workers in Esfahan, seeking resolution for their requests.

The Razmandegan Organization for the Liberation of the Working Class

The Razmandegan Organization for the Liberation of the Working Class was founded in the winter of 1979. Its activities were focused on the working class and factories. The founding tenets of Razmandegan included the rejection of armed struggle and a strong stand against the pro-Soviet policies of the Iranian Tudeh Party. It viewed the Soviet Union as a “Social imperialist” state and believed that China had deviated from the Marxist-Leninist principles. Razmandegan was among the groups that became known as Khat-e Se (Third line).  By early 1981, disagreements on the Party’s position on the Iran-Iraq war caused internal splits in Razmandegan. These splits, which coincided with the massive and brutal repression of dissidents by the Iranian government, caused the Organization to disband.

Demonstrations of Unemployed Workers in Esfahan – 1979

After the triumph of the 1979 revolution, Iran was hit with an unprecedented wave of unemployment. Thousands of companies and factories suspended their operations and many Iranian and foreign managers left Iran, either before or after the revolution. This caused many industrial and construction projects to be permanently or temporarily shut down. According to records, just in Tehran, about 3,000 employees of restaurants, nightclubs, and luxury theaters were unemployed. Shutting down the “National Lottery Ticket” resulted in 200,000 low-income ticket sellers to become unemployed. As a result, in the first few months after the revolution, about 2.5 million people, representing 21 percent of the workforce, lost their jobs. In reaction to this situation, labor movements and labor organizations were formed all over the country. In towns like Tehran, Abadan, Sanandaj, Kermanshah, and Tabriz, unemployed were unionized in order to claim their rights.

In Esfahan, after foreign factories and companies such as Fluor (who were building the Esfahan Refinery with 9,000 workers), acrylic (with more than 4,000 workers), Bell Helicopter (about 3,000 workers), and military industries shut down, many workers lost their jobs. Also, construction workers and those working in retail, having not been paid in many months, faced financial difficulties. In reaction to this situation, unemployed workers gathered in the Rasuli’s Mosque in Esfahan in February 1979 and requested their back pay and the resumption of work. As the numbers of protesters increased, all the officials did was to direct them to a venue farther away and almost out of town, called “Khane Kargar”. The gathering at Khane Kargar culminated in the formation of the “Union of Unemployed Workers in Esfahan and Environs” in March 1979, which organized the widespread demonstrations of the workers. Initially, the workers chose 8 representatives from among themselves who were mostly industrial and technical workers from Esfahan. These representatives contacted officials at the Ministry of Labor, Labor Office of Esfahan, Governor’s Office, and religious leaders multiple times and tried to draw attention to the requests of the workers. They did not receive a response.

On March 26, more the 10,000 workers gathered at “Khane Kargar”. At about 9 am, some clerics talked with the worker representatives, but they did not have satisfactory answers. Therefore, the workers decided to start walking towards the Work Office. The protesters walked, chanting “Workers’ wages must be paid, Workers must not be laid off”, but they were attacked along the way by several groups who tried to stop the demonstration. In front of the Work Office, the atmosphere became agitated at the instigation of a cleric and with the appearance of a group of merchants from the bazaar chanting “Death to Communism”. Eventually, at the suggestion of a religious leader, the workers returned to “Khane Kargar” without reacting to the disturbance. When they got there, the religious leaders promised them that their requests would be seen to before the Islamic Republic Referendum which was to be held March 30 – April 1, 1979.

The day after the Referendum, the workers gathered at “Khane Kargar” again. The deputy governor, Engineer Mos’hef, went there, addressed the group, and promised to cooperate with the representatives of the workers in order to expedite the resolution of their grievances. All the same, these promises were repeated every day and nothing ever got done.

On April 5, 1979, the workers decided that if their grievances had not been seen to by the following Saturday, they would march in the direction of the governorate. The representatives announced that the government should be given more time. When the workers insisted on carrying out their plan, it came out that the deputy governor had threatened that if they held a march, they would be fired upon. This threat angered the workers even more. At this time, some accounts were published about a few of the representatives having received death threats from bazaar merchants and some fanatic persons and having been asked to resign. Around 12 noon that same day, some armed men from the Imam’s Committee entered the “Khane Kargar” and arrested two journalists who had come to interview the workers, along with some of the workers. In response to the workers’ protests and resistance, the armed men shot in the air, dispersing the group and taking the arrested people with them.

On Saturday morning, April 7, 1979, ten thousand unemployed workers who had not yet received an answer to their requests came to the streets at 11 am in preparation for marching towards the governorate. They had not gotten very far when the deputy governor called them “anti-revolutionaries”. The workers were stopped in front of the Workers’ Club on lower Chahar-Bagh street and they were asked to come into the club for negotiations, whereupon they sat in middle of the street. After hours of waiting and becoming hungry, some of the group dispersed, but some two thousand workers started walking towards the governorate.

As they approached the governorate, a group of students and people from the bazaar who had been provoked attacked the workers with sticks and knives and started chanting “Death to Communism”. Several workers received superficial wounds, but even though they were being attacked, the protesters managed to get to the governorate where they staged a sit-in in the courtyard. The representatives of the workers went into the governorate for negotiations.

At the same time, a group of armed guards took up positions around the governorate, while attackers on the outside kept assaulting the workers with sticks and stones. During these altercations, one of the workers was injured with a knife. The force of the conflict and repeated attacks angered the workers and they repelled the attackers. At this time, a cleric who had started to move toward the committee forces in order to calm down the situation was suddenly faced with shots fired in the air and otherwise, as a result of which some workers were shot and killed.

While angry workers were taking their fallen comrades to the hospital, they were still being attacked with sticks and stones. Eventually, after firing and killing and injuring several workers, the committee forces disappeared. A few clerics came to the area in order to calm down the workers and to contain the conflict.

Arbitrary Execution of Mr. Naser Tofiqian

On April 7, 1979, Mr. Tofiqian was participating in the workers’ protest demonstrations in front of the governorate in Esfahan. When the guards of the Islamic Revolution Committee fired on the protesters, he was shot from behind and killed (Paykar Publication, April 7, 1980).

After the extra judicial execution of Mr. Tofiqian, more than one thousand male and female students from Esfahan University staged a sit-in at the Esfahan Judiciary to protest his killing. They demanded the arrest and punishment of the perpetrators and the release of all those who had been arrested during this event.

The following year, university and high school student supporters of Paykar Organization held an anniversary memorial gathering for Mr. Tofiqian in the area in front of Esfahan University Medical School.

Officials’ Reaction

Kayhan state newspaper confirmed the killing of Mr. Tofiqian and said that the shooters had been “an unknown group”. They said, “The shooting was mostly aerial. After ten minutes, there was one fatality and 4 people were injured.” (Kayhan Newspaper, April 7, 2000).

The Esfahan Islamic Revolution Committee published a press release on April 7, in reaction to the demonstrations of the workers. In it they confirmed that there had been a gathering merely “to review their requests and to see if they could get their jobs and their back wages returned to them. During this event a person named Naser Tofiqian, who was a fifth year Mathematics student at Esfahan University, and who had a card in his pocket identifying him as a welder, had been killed and a few people had been injured.”  They described the altercation between the workers and the committee guards: “The workers who had been provoked by anti-revolutionary people assailed the guards who were watching them on ‘Sepah’ street, next to the governorate. They struck the guards with ‘cold’ weapons, whereupon locals came to the aid of the guards with sticks. During this altercation, Esfahan clerics tried to disperse both sides with friendly guidance, but the anti-revolutionaries would not let Ayatollah Taheri speak.” (Ettela’at Newspaper, April 10, 1979).

Family’s Reaction

There is no information on the reaction of Mr. Tofiqian’s family. 

Impacts on Family

There is no information on the impact of the extra judicial execution of Mr. Tofiqian upon his family.

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