Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

https://www.iranrights.org
Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Haik Hovsepian Mehr

About

Age: 48
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Christianity
Civil Status: Married

Case

Date of Killing: January 20, 1994
Location of Killing: Shahr-e Rey, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Stabbing
Charges: Unknown charge

About this Case

He confronted the Islamic Republic single-handedly, compelling them to release Pastor Dibaj.

Information regarding the life and extrajudicial execution of Mr. Haik Hovsepian Mehr was taken from an electronic form sent by one of his relatives to Abdorrahman Boroumand Center (ABC) on June 25, 2012, and a documentary titled “A Cry from Iran“, which was sent to ABC by his son (22 November 2013). The additional documents were collected from United Nations reports concerning the human rights situation in Iran in 1994 and 1995, Amnesty International's report addressing the Iranian government's covert suppression and repression, spanning from mid-1993 to 1995, Kayhan Newspaper (4 October 1995), Jomhouri-e Eslami Newspaper (3 and 17 February 1994, 16 and 19 July 1994), Truett Journal of Church and Mission websites (26 December 2004), Iran for Christ ministries organization (Ikelisa) (22 February 2019), Kalameh Website (27 July 2020), Joseph Hovsepian's interview – Daily news (17 February 2021) and Iran Human Rights Documentation Center (12 August 2021).

Mr. Hovsepian Mehr was born into an Armenian family in Tehran. At the age of 9, due to his parents' separation and the resulting financial and social pressures on his mother, he apprenticed as a shoemaker for a period. From the age of 13, he began attending home prayer meetings, invited by a neighbor, marking the beginning of his devotion to Christ. In 1966, he married Takush Ginagosian. Shortly after, church leaders requested him to establish a church in Gorgan, a city that lacked one.

During the Shah's era, he and his wife encountered opposition from the people of Gorgan. His brother recounted, "We witnessed numerous occasions where he faced problems caused by religious fanatics and extremists. He received threatening letters." Their church and gatherings were subjected to multiple attacks, and there was also an attempted arson on their church. In 1969, they tragically lost their son in a truck accident. A colleague from America, who was traveling with them, recounts: "My wife, our three children, and we were traveling back to Gorgan with Haik, Takush, and their six-month-old son. Around 45 minutes away from our destination, a bright light from an oncoming car in the dark blinded us, leading to a collision with a truck. The impact was severe, causing our vehicle's destruction, and rendering us all unconscious. I'm uncertain for how long; all I recall is our loss of consciousness." Although both parents survived, their four children perished in the accident. Mr. Hovsepian Mehr had four more children after this heartbreaking incident.

After the complete establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1981, Mr. Hovsepian Mehr was elected as "the principal overseer of Gorgan, serving as the supervisor and bishop of the Rabbani congregation's churches." That same year, he relocated to Tehran with his family, assuming responsibility for seven churches, comprising two Armenian churches, four Rabbani churches, and one Assyrian Pentecostal* church.

Mr. Hovsepian Mehr held leadership in the Protestant churches in Iran and represented the congregational churches across the Middle East. He composed and recorded over 60 Christian hymns in Persian. Additionally, he was a professional guitar, dulcimer, and piano player.

Mr. Hovsepian Mehr embarked on a campaign to aid Reverend Mahdi Dibaj, who had converted to Christianity at 14 and was arrested and imprisoned by the regime's agents in 1984, following the issuance of a death sentence by the Islamic Revolutionary Court of Sari. Mr. Dibaj managed to pass his death sentence to Mr. Hovsepian Mehr through a prison guard. In response, Mr. Hovsepian Mehr penned a letter to the council of the Rabbani Assemblies, urging an international appeal. He disseminated this news worldwide, ceaselessly advocating for Dibaj's release. These dedicated efforts bore fruit when government authorities released Pastor Dibaj on January 16, 1994, after a nine-year incarceration. According to his friend, "Brother Haik single-handedly confronted the Islamic Republic, compelling them to release Brother Dibaj," (documentary A Cry from Iran)

Relatives of Mr. Hovsepian Mehr remember him fondly in kindness. His brother, George Hovsepian, reflects on him: "No words can fully capture his character. Personally, both his spiritual and social sides intrigued me. He was remarkably simple, honest, friendly, and had a delightful sense of humor, making him approachable to anyone. Despite Haik's unassuming nature, he held a quiet strength. He was dependable, discreet, and notably patient. It was fascinating; in chaotic moments, he'd calmly resolve issues with a smile and unhurried pace." (Kalameh Website) "Despite his meekness, his voice advocating for the persecuted was resoundingly powerful." (documentary A Cry from Iran)

Mr. Hovsepian Mehr was among the prominent and well-known figures in Iran's Armenian community. Following the government's declaration of laws** concerning Rabbani churches, Mr. Hovsepian Mehr staunchly opposed the Islamic Republic's demands. Pastor Haik's resolute response was: "My colleagues and I will never yield to such inhumane and unjust demands." He affirmed, "Our churches remain open to all who seek entry."

‌Background

While Christianity counts among the three Abrahamic religions officially recognized in Iran, the status carved out for Christians by the Constitution and civil and penal code is markedly inferior. In practice, religious tolerance applies only to ethnic groups who are historically Christian, i.e. Armenians and Assyrians, and not to believers or converts from Muslim backgrounds (UN 1992). The Iranian government has implemented policies that demarcate, monitor, and aggressively suppress Christian civic presence.

The Constitution bars Christians from becoming President, members of the Guardian Council, Army Commanders, School Principals, and from holding senior government positions (UN 1998, IFHR). They are prohibited from running in General Parliamentary elections, and the three seats allocated to Christians in Parliament are exclusively for Armenian, Assyrian, and Chaldean representatives (IFHR).

Civil and criminal statutes explicitly disadvantage Christian parties. They are entitled to less compensation in car-accident settlements and cannot inherit property from Muslims (UN 1998, IFHR). Several offenses punishable by lashings for Muslims are for Christians punishable by death.

The activities of Christian churches and peoples have long been subject to Ministry of Culture surveillance. A law purporting to flag sellers of non-halal foods requires Christian shop owners to display signs reading “designated for religious minorities;” in practice, this signage has been enforced on all Christian businesses as a deterrent to Muslim patrons (UN 1998). Christians have reported denials of academic admissions and business permits on religious grounds (Suuntaus). By the mid-90s all but two Protestant churches had closed under various government pressures, including demands to provide congregants’ names and personal information (Suuntaus, HRW 1995).

Since the revolution, hundreds of Christians have been detained arbitrarily. Many are sentenced to various prison terms and others are released with the specter of charges and investigations against them that are left open indefinitely. Multiple sources who have been arrested or detained reported being threatened by judicial or security officers with apostasy charges, execution, or assassination. With apostasy left unaddressed in penal code, judges defer to the Shar’ia, leaving Christian converts vulnerable to death sentences (ICHRI); it is also left to the personal discretion of judges whether the murder of a Christian by a Muslim even constitutes a crime (IFHR). The state has historically displayed a lack of due diligence in resolving the cases of Christians who die in suspect circumstances, which further exacerbates the precarity of Christians’ social and legal status.

While the Iranian government does not publicize official data on the size of Iran’s Christian population, available sources reflect the consensus that conversions from Islam have been steadily on the rise since the revolution, and that Iranians with Christian leanings could now number as high as 1 million, or 1.5 percent of the population (IJRF, Gamaan, MS). The regime thus continues to invest significantly in the surveillance of Christian activities (IJRF). Scores of Christians have fled Iran and taken refuge in other countries (ICHRI, IJRF, ABC Research). 

The 1990s marked a period of religious crackdowns that staggered, among others, Christian communities. Amid the overall increase in executions, corporal punishments, raids, and press restrictions, scores of Christian converts were imprisoned and tortured (HRW 1996, 1993). In an effort to curb growing public interest in Christianity, Iran placed caps on church attendance, shut down Iran’s main Persian-language bible publisher, prohibited sermons in Persian, confiscated all Christian books, closed all Christian bookstores, and dissolved the Iranian Bible society (Suuntaus, UN 1993). 

The authorities’ heightened reactivity also brought Christian leaders into the crosshairs of the “chain murders,” a string of assassinations during the 1990s of secular intellectual and political dissidents and religious minorities (IW) and other undesirable individuals. Of the seven suspicious deaths of Christian leaders since the revolution, five occurred between 1990 and 1996 (FN). 

Rabbani congregation's churches (Jama'at-e Rabbani)

The Jama’at-e Rabbani Church, a branch of the Evangelical Church, represents a diverse membership from various religious and ethnic backgrounds in Iran, with many being Christian converts. Founded in the 1970s, this Persian-language church was active in Iran until 2013. Its founder established several Persian-speaking churches across the country. As the number of Christian converts attending Persian-language services increased, Iranian authorities escalated their pressure on these churches, including the Jamaat Rabbani Church. The repression began with threats, pressure, and the closure of Persian-language prayer meetings in various cities such as Mashhad, Sari, Kerman, Shiraz, Gorgan, Ahvaz, Tabriz, Kermanshah, and Arak. Thirteen churches across different cities were shut down, and followers of this church faced persecution, including arrests, imprisonment, and the execution of four church leaders, persisting until the mid-90s. In 2013, after sustained pressure, the Iranian government closed the central church in Tehran, compelling most of its leaders to leave the country. Christian converts were forced to conduct prayers in house churches, leading to many being imprisoned over the decade. Presently, active Rabbani congregation churches are barred from conducting services in Persian, and Christian converts are prohibited from attending their ceremonies.

Background of Extrajudicial Killings by the Islamic Republic of Iran

The Islamic Republic of Iran has a long history of politically motivated violence in Iran and around the world. Since the 1979 Revolution, Islamic Republic operatives inside and outside the country have engaged in kidnapping, disappearing, and killing a large number of individuals whose activities they deemed undesirable. The actual number of the victims of extrajudicial killings inside Iran is not clear; however, these murders began in February 1979 and have continued since then, both inside and outside Iran. The Abdorrahman Boroumand Center has so far identified over 540 killings outside Iran attributed to the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Dissidents have been assassinated by the agents of the Islamic Republic outside Iran in countries such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Japan, India, and Pakistan in Asia; Dubai, Iraq, and Turkey in the Middle East; Cyprus, France, Italy, Austria, Switzerland, Germany, Norway, Sweden, and Great Britain in Europe; and the United States across the Atlantic Ocean. In most cases, there has not been much published, and local authorities have not issued arrest warrants. But documentation, evidence, and traces obtained through investigations conducted by local police and judicial authorities confirm the theory of state committed crimes. In some instances, these investigations have resulted in the expulsion or arrest of Iranian diplomats. In a few cases outside Iran, the perpetrators of these murders have been arrested and put on trial. The evidence presented revealed the defendants’ connection to Iran’s government institutions, and an arrest warrant has been issued for Iran’s Minister of Information.

The manner in which these killings were organized and implemented in Iran and abroad is indicative of a single pattern which, according to Roland Chatelin, the Swiss prosecutor, contains common parameters and detailed planning. It can be ascertained from the similarities between these murders in different countries that the Iranian government is the principal entity that ordered the implementation of these crimes. Iranian authorities have not officially accepted responsibility for these murders and have even attributed their commission to internal strife in opposition groups. Nevertheless, since the very inception of the Islamic Republic regime, the Islamic Republic officials have justified these crimes from an ideological and legal standpoint. In the spring of 1979, Sadeq Khalkhali, the first Chief Shari’a Judge of the Islamic Revolutionary Courts, officially announced the regime’s decision to implement extrajudicial executions and justified the decision: “ … These people have been sentenced to death; from the Iranian people’s perspective, if someone wants to assassinate these individuals abroad, in any country, no government has any right to bring the perpetrator to trial as a terrorist, because such a person is the implementing agent of the sentence issued by the Islamic Revolutionary Court. Therefore, they are Mahduroddam and their sentence is death regardless of where they are.” More than 10 years after these proclamations, in a speech about the security forces’ success, Ali Fallahian, the regime’s Minister of Information, stated the following regarding the elimination of members of the opposition: “ … We have had success in inflicting damage to many of these little groups outside the country and on our borders.”

At the same time, various political, judicial, and security officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran have, at different times and occasions, confirmed the existence of a long term government policy for these extrajudicial killings and in some cases their implementation. 

Read more about the background of extrajudicial killings in the Islamic Republic of Iran by clicking on the left hand highlight with the same title.

Mr. Haik Hovsepian Mehr’s extrajudicial execution

Based on the available information, Mr. Hovsepian Mehr disappeared three days following Pastor Dibaj's release, on January 19, 1994, while he was en route to Mehrabad Airport in his Volkswagen car to meet his brother's wife. Eleven days after, a letter dated February 1, 1994, from the General Department of Forensic Medicine of the Islamic Republic of Iran instructed the family to visit the morgue for identification of a body. Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's eldest son, Joseph, then 20 years old, attended the morgue alone. Instead of presenting a corpse, the forensic authorities showed him a photograph.

Mr. Joseph Hovsepian recounts the day: "I chose to visit the forensic medicine facility alone, reassuring my family that it was a mere formality, just an invitation to view photos for identification. I expected no new information. I rode my motorcycle alone to the coroner's office. Upon arrival, it was apparent that two agents from the Police Criminal Investigation Department were present." "They presented an album filled with images of unidentifiable bodies and body parts, disfigured or charred from an accident. Minutes passed as I scrolled through the photos, yet none depicted my father. Eventually, I was confronted with my father's bloodied face, extensively wounded around his chest, stomach, shoulders, and hands, with some parts torn off (Interview with Joseph Hovsepian - Daily News)." "The medical examiner's report indicated his date of death aligned with the day he disappeared. His body had suffered 26 stab wounds. According to the police report, Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's body was discovered in the Karaj, area of Islamabad on the very day he went missing."

Government authorities interred Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's body in the Behesht-e Zahra Muslim Cemetery in Tehran as an unidentified individual six days after his murder. The church sought an exhumation through the Ray City justice department to relocate his body to the Christian cemetery. (documentary A Cry from Iran)

Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's family visited the site of his murder and conversed with the individual who discovered the body. The man recounted, "I noticed an ID card in his shirt pocket and a cross on his coat, indicating to me that he must have been a prominent Christian figure" (documentary A Cry from Iran). However, despite these indications, the agents buried him anonymously.

When Mr. Hovsepian's grave was exhumed, his body remained wrapped in plastic, devoid of proper cleansing. "Upon moving the body to the cemetery's washing area, we encountered an incredibly gruesome sight. None of us had ever witnessed such horror in our lives. His body bore the marks of mutilation from stab wounds, including a minimum 10 cm tear on his heart" (documentary A Cry from Iran - Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's friend). Describing the scene, a church member remarked, "There was a hole that seemed like it could have been caused by iron, but it was uncertain." In the medical report, the cause of death was declared as heart and lung rupture. His assailants inflicted 26 stab wounds, leading to his tragic demise (documentary A Cry from Iran - a member of the church).

On February 3, 1994, Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's body was laid to rest in the Christian cemetery, with hundreds of attendees from across Iran joining the funeral. (Iran for Christ ministries organization)

Numerous officers attended Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's funeral, confiscating all photos and videos to identify those in attendance. (documentary A Cry from Iran)

As per Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's brother, Edward, he was cognizant that he was treading dangerous ground and understood the peril his efforts to rescue Mr. Dibaj posed for him. His other brother, Rubik, recalls, "I visited his home and expressed my concerns. I said don't confront this regime; they have intentions to kill you. He glanced and replied, 'I am prepared for God.' I pointed out that he had four children. He glanced back and remarked, 'Dibaj also has four children.'(documentary A Cry from Iran)

Joseph, Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's son, reflects on the threats his father endured: "The path my father pursued was his own choice. He was warned about the danger to his life. Some advised him that the game he played with the government was perilous, asking why he doesn't consider leaving the country."

Gilbert, Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's other son, was 17 years old at the time of his father's death. He faced multiple threats and beatings by officers, and at one point, he was coerced into signing a document agreeing not to preach Christianity. He was also imprisoned for over a month due to his religious activities. According to Gilbert: "My sister, who attended university, was warned that discussing our father would result in her expulsion. My elder brother, who served in the military, faced harassment. When I joined the army a year later, I was subjected to beatings and multiple incarcerations. On my first day, I received a warning that any mention of it might result in an 'accidental' death during training. Although the agents of the Intelligence Ministry didn't directly confront us, they instilled fear. We either noticed curses inscribed on the walls of our house or found that all the car windows had been shattered." (Iran Human Rights Documentation Center)

Iranian officials' reaction

Following the public disclosure of Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's murder, the Tehran Prosecutor's Office ordered thorough investigations to identify and bring the perpetrator or perpetrators to justice. This directive stemmed from forensic findings indicating that the deceased was fatally stabbed after being abducted. (Jomhouri-e Eslami Newspaper 3 February 1994)

Following extensive domestic and international protests over the murder of Mr. Hovsepian Mehr, a statement was issued by the representative office of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the United Nations. The statement condemned the propaganda by Western news agencies, Israel Radio, and the Mojahedin-e-Khalq (MEK) against the Islamic Republic. It noted, "Iran's law enforcement and judicial authorities, aided by the victim's family, have diligently pursued this matter. As part of these efforts, individuals have been interrogated." (Jomhouri-e Eslami Newspaper 3 February 1994)

The then-general Director of Internal Security of the Ministry of Intelligence, Mousavinejad, referred to Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's murder as suspicious in an interview, attributing it to the MEK Organization. He stated, "The incident occurred at a time when a commission was established to investigate human rights issues in Iran in New York, and the international environment was primed for anti-human rights propaganda against Iran." However, he accused three women from the MEK organization of this murder. According to him, the MEK orchestrated this act because: "They organized a memorial ceremony and conducted widespread propaganda by reaching out to churches and human rights organizations, attributing this crime to the Islamic Republic of Iran." He expressed suspicion due to the MEK group's heightened attention until it became apparent from the confessions of the individual who killed Michaelian that Bishop Hovsepian Mehr was also slain by the MEK group. (Jomhouri-e Eslami Newspaper 16 July 1994)

On October 4, 1995, the head of the Islamic Revolution Courts made a statement regarding the three supporters of the MEK Organization. He mentioned: 'These three individuals, publicly acknowledging their involvement, confessed to supporting the MEK. They openly admitted to their endeavors aimed at overthrowing the regime. Their activities included engaging in explosions at sacred sites to sow unrest in the country. Furthermore, they were involved in assassinating religious figures and minorities, intending to propagate against the rights of religious minorities in Iran. (Kayhan Newspaper 4 October 1995)

According to him, "These individuals were implicated in the killings of three priests: Michaelian, Dibaj, and Hovsepian Mehr." After four hearings, the court, citing "alterations in their (the three mujahid daughters') mindset" and "Islam's attention to women's rights," convicted the 15-year prison sentence for the defendants regarding their involvement in overthrow attempts. Additionally, considering the consent from Mr. Michaelian's family, Farhanaz Anami received a 30-year prison sentence. (Kayhan Newspaper 4 October 1995) Subsequently, Mrs. Anami left the country following a period of liberty and currently resides in a European city.

Later, in a published list on March 11, 2000, by Mr. Nasser Zarafshan, the attorney representing the families of victims of serial political killings within the Islamic Republic, the name of Mr. Hovsepian Mehr appears among the 34 recorded cases of murders executed by the Ministry of Intelligence during the Saeed Emami era. Zarafshan, the family's lawyer, noted that this list comprised individuals with documentation confirming that they were targeted and killed by security agents. (Radio Zamaneh) 

The reaction of Mojahedin-e-Khalq 

The MEK denied any connection or support from the three defendants involved in the murder of Christian priests within their organization. 

Human rights organizations' reaction 

From the available information, on January 11, 1994, Bishop Hovsepian Mehr requested the United Nations special representative to visit Iran. The purpose was to meet with evangelical Protestant priests and government officials to discuss human rights and the circumstances faced by religious minorities. (United Nations report 1994)

In a letter dated February 17, 1994, the United Nations Special Representative investigating the human rights situation in Iran wrote to the Islamic Republic of Iran's representative, stating, "I wish to bring to your attention the report concerning the recent murder of Bishop Haik Hovsepian Mehr, the supreme director of the Council of Churches Gathering for God, within the Islamic Republic. On January 11, 1994, Bishop Hovsepian Mehr asked me to journey to Iran and engage with Evangelical Protestant priests and government officials to discuss human rights and the circumstances of religious minorities. According to reports received, this representative met with the Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance, urging him to respect the rights of the Christian minority within Iran. In response, the Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance requested that all Christian churches in Iran sign a declaration affirming their legal rights as Christians within the Islamic Republic of Iran. Bishop Haik Hovsepian Mehr declined to sign such a declaration on behalf of his church.”

According to Amnesty International's report, covering the period from the middle of 1993 to 1995, within an 18-month timeframe, four leaders from religious minority groups were found dead under suspicious circumstances. These individuals were known for their critical views concerning the government's policies. 

Familys’ Reaction

Following Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's disappearance, his family initially considered the possibility of his arrest or his visit to the intelligence services as he often did to answer inquiries. "His martyrdom or murder had never crossed our minds," (Joseph Hovsepian's interview). Nevertheless, they launched an intense day-and-night search. "We were practically working twenty hours a day, reaching out to all connected groups, alerting them that brother Haik had gone missing and was in significant peril." (documentary A Cry from Iran)

The family reported Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's disappearance to the Minister of Interior on January 22, 1994, through the Council of Rabbani Churches. Copies of this letter were also dispatched to the offices of the supreme leader and the President. Mr. Vartan Avanesian, a friend of Mr. Hovsepian Mehr, remarked, "In light of the events surrounding Mr. Dibaj [his release from prison], we sent dozens of letters to all authorities, suggesting the strong possibility that he was summoned by security agents. We surmised they might have detained him for questioning and discussions." Previously, security agents had asked Mr. Hovsepian Mehr to respond to inquiries. However, everyone, including legitimate authorities, claimed ignorance (documentary A Cry from Iran). The family even visited the forensic medicine facility to identify any unidentified bodies.

The family of Mr. Hovsepian Mehr did not file a lawsuit regarding his murder. Despite this decision, they faced repeated harassment and intimidation by agents of the Islamic Republic.

Impacts on Family

According to the available information, Mr. Hovsepian Mehr's murder deeply impacted his family and those close to him. His son Joseph, reflecting after 28 years, still vividly remembers the tragic events surrounding his father's death. Recalling the shock, Joseph expressed, "The initial impact was overwhelming. Even in my dreams, I'd see the killers and wake up in a panic. It felt like waves of an explosion hitting gradually. My physical well-being deteriorated in the following days. I honestly reached a point where I wanted to block it out entirely. If anyone mentioned it, I'd steer clear. I didn't want to dwell on it." He added, “After this, I wasn't the same Joseph chasing after a soccer ball and enjoyed a carefree life. I learned that confronting the harsh reality makes me stronger.” (Daily News)

Regarding his brother's death, Edward Hovsepian expressed, "We'd read about such events in history, studied them in the book of Acts of the Apostles, but never did we anticipate their repetition in 20th-century Iran. Especially since Brother Haik was brutally killed with twenty-six stabs. The scars and injuries will always weigh heavily on our minds, showcasing the heavy price he paid." (documentary A Cry from Iran).

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*The Pentecostal Church is referred to as the Assyrian Church of Iran.
**The government’s regulations for Rabbani churches included: •  Meetings are prohibited in Farsi.•  Participation is limited to Armenians exclusively.•  Only individuals possessing a church membership card are allowed to attend.•  Submission of a members' list to government authorities is mandatory.•  Approval from the government is required for admitting new members.
*** Hassan Dehghani Tafti stands as the initial Iranian Anglican bishop, having previously been a Muslim before his conversion to Christianity. Entrusted with overseeing the episcopate of the Iranian episcopal circle, he encountered an attack in October 1978. Five unidentified assailants invaded his bedroom in Isfahan, where, despite their attempt, none of the bullets they fired struck him. However, Tafti's British wife sustained injuries during the incident. A week following that occurrence, he departed Iran to attend the gathering of Anglican Church archbishops in Cyprus. However, upon attempting to return, members of the episcopal committee prevented his return. In that same year in May, his secretary was shot and seriously injured. On May 6, 1980, his son Bahram was returning from his teaching duties at Damavand College when assailants stopped his car. They took him to a secluded street near Tehran prison and shot him to death inside his vehicle.
**** Resources: Farsinet, Iranwire, Human Rights Watch, The United Nations, International Federatin of Human Rights Organization, International Journal for Religious Freedom, Committee for the Defense of Human rights in Iran, Mission Studies, Iran Human Rights, and Group of Analyzing and Measuring Attitudes in Iran.

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