Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Mohammad Mehdi Karami


Age: 22
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Other
Civil Status: Single


Date of Killing: January 7, 2023
Location of Killing: Central Prison (Nedamatgah), Karaj, Alborz Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Hanging
Charges: Corruption on earth
Age at time of alleged offense: 21

About this Case

He was an athlete and had won provincial and national championship medals in Karate. His father had worked hard as a street vendor selling paper tissues in order to support him to become a champion, and he did everything he could to prove his son’s innocence.

News and information regarding the execution of Mr. Mohammad Mehdi Karami, son of Manijeh and Mashallah, were taken from an interview with an informed person on February 13, 2023. (ABC interview) The news of this execution along with Mr. Seyed Mohammad Hosseini was also obtained from Mizan News Agency’ (the Judiciary Branch’s media hub) website (November 3, and 30, 2022; January 7, 2023); HRANA, Human Rights Activists in Iran’s News Agency (December 12, 2022; January 3, 5, and 7, 2023); Etemad Online (December 12, 2022; January 8, 2023); Fars News Agency (November 3, 2022; January 7, and 8, 2023); Radio Farda (January 12, and 14, 2023); BBC interview with Defense Attorney Mohammad Hossein Aghasi (January 7, 2023); Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) (November 3, 2022); Alborz Province’s Imam Hassan Mojtaba Army’s Office of Public Relations’ announcement, quoted in ISNA, Iranian Students News Agency (November 6, 2022), and IRNA, Islamic Republic News Agency (November 11, and 30, and December 1, and 3, 2022).

Mohammad Mehdi Karami was 22 years old, an ethnic Kurd from the village of Kutan Sofla located in Bijar County, and an adherent of the Yarsan creed, who resided in the city of Karaj’s Nazarabad District. He lived in a low income family and his father made a living as a street vendor. He had vocational diploma in architectural drawing.

Mr. Karami was an athlete and had won several provincial, national, and world championship medals. He was a member of the national team.

The case of Mr. Karami, as Defendant Number 1, and 15 other individuals is related to the killing of a Bassiji (member of the Bassij militia), the destruction of public and private property, and the beating of law enforcement personnel on Thursday, November 3, 2022, on the Karaj – Qazvin Freeway, on the occasion of the Chehelom (“Fortieth Day of Passing”) of Hadiss Najafi, one of the individuals who had been killed in the nationwide against the Islamic Republic.*

2022 (Mahsa Amini) Protest background

Nationwide protests were sparked by the death in custody of 22-year old Kurdish woman Jina (Mahsa) Amini on September 16, 2022. Amini had been arrested by the morality police in Tehran for improper veiling on September 13 and sent brain dead to the hospital. The protests, which started in front of the hospital and continued in the city of Saqqez (Kordestan Province), where Mahsa was buried, were triggered by popular exasperation over the morality patrols, misleading statements of the authorities regarding the cause of Mahsa’s death and the resulting impunity for the violence used against detainees, as well as the mandatory veil in general. This protest, initially led by young girls and women who burned their veils and youth in general who chanted the slogan “Women, Life, Freedom,” rapidly took on a clear anti-regime tone, with protesters calling for an end to the Islamic Republic. The scope and duration of the protest was unprecedented. State efforts to withdraw the morality police from the streets and preventative arrests of journalists and political and civil society activists did not stop the protests. By the end of December 2022, protests had taken place in about 164 cities and towns, including localities that had never witnessed protests. Close to 150 universities, high schools, businesses, and groups including oil workers, merchants of the Tehran bazaar (among others), teachers, lawyers (at least 49 of whom had been arrested as of February 1st, 2023), artists, athletes, and even doctors joined these protests in various forms. Despite the violent crackdown and mass arrests, intense protests continued for weeks, at least through November 2022, with reports of sporadic activity continuing through the beginning of 2023.

The State’s crackdown was swift and accompanied by intermittent landline and cellular internet network shutdowns, as well as threats against and arrests of victims’ family members, factors which posed a serious challenge to monitoring protests and documenting casualties. The security forces used illegal, excessive, and lethal force with handguns, shotguns, and military assault rifles against protesters. They often targeted protesters’ heads and chests, shot them at close range, and in the back. Security forces have targeted faces with pellets, causing hundreds of protesters to lose their eyesight, and according to some reports women’s genitalia. The bloodiest crackdown took place on September 30th in Zahedan, Baluchestan Province, where a protest began at the end of the Friday sermon. The death toll is reported to be above 90 for that day. Many injured protesters, fearing arrest, did not go to hospitals where security forces have reportedly arrested injured protesters before and after they were treated.

By February 1, 2023, the Human Rights Activists News Agency reported the number of recorded protests to be 1,262. The death toll, including protesters and passersby, stood at 527, of whom 71 were children. The number of arrests (including of wounded protesters) was estimated at 19,603, of whom 766 had already been tried and convicted. More than 100 protesters were at risk of capital punishment, and four had been executed in December 2022 and January 2023 without minimum standards of due process. Authorities also claimed 70 casualties among state forces, though there are consistent reports from families of killed protesters indicating authorities have pressured them to falsely register their loved ones as such. Protesters, human rights groups, and the media have reported cases of beatings, torture (including to coerce confessions), and sexual assaults. Detainees have no access to lawyers during interrogations and their confessions are used in courts as evidence.

Public support and international solidarity with protesters have also been unprecedented (the use of the hashtag #MahsaAmini in Farsi and English broke world records) and on November 24, 2022, the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution calling for the creation of a fact finding mission to “Thoroughly and independently investigate alleged human rights violations in the Islamic Republic of Iran related to the protests that began on 16 September 2022, especially with respect to women and children.”

Arrest and detention

According to official and security media, Mr. Karami was arrested less than 48 hours after the killing of a Bassij member “upon the issuance of decisive judicial orders”. “[The Bassij member’s] killers were identified in less than 48 hours and were arrested by the Imam Zaman’s (or “Imam of Time”, twelfth Shiite Imam, descendent of the Prophet Mohammad who is said to have disappeared only to reappear at some point to save humanity) unknown soldiers at the Alborz Province’s Information General Administration.” (IRIB report; IRNA, November 30, 2022).

He told his family during visitation that he had been subjected to severe physical, sexual, and psychological torture.

Mr. Karami and 14 other defendants were in Karaj’s Information Administration detention until the end of three trial sessions, and were taken to court and back from that same detention center. (HRANA, January 3, 2023). He and four other individuals were transferred to the public ward at Karaj Central Penitentiary after the trial. (HRANA, December 12, 2022). He was able to contact his family by phone several times.


On Wednesday, November 30, 2022, the Alborz Province Islamic Revolutionary Court, Branch One, began the adjudication of Mr. Karami’s and 15 other individuals’ cases. The trial took place before a panel of judges composed of a presiding judge and three member judges, in the presence of the Prosecutor’s representative and the defendants’ attorneys. Mr. Karami had a court-appointed lawyer. In its initial reports, the Judiciary Branch had announced the number of defendants in the case to be 11. On the first day of trial, however, 15 defendants were presented to the court, and in the final court session, another defendant who had previously been transferred to the Karaj Central Penitentiary was suddenly added to the defendants in the case without any explanation or any specific reason, and the number of defendants increased to 16. (HRANA, December 12, 2022). Mr. Karami had a court-appointed attorney at trial. The second and final trial sessions were conducted on December 1, and 3, 2022. The entire trial for all 16 defendants in three sessions did not last more than a few hours. Short and interrupted video footage of the trial sessions were published in various media.


Karaj County Islamic Revolutionary Court, Branch One, stated the charges against Mr. Karami to be “Efsad fel-Arz (“spreading corruption on Earth”) through the commission of crimes against national security, attacking Bassij members, assembly and conspiracy to commit crimes against national security, issuing a call [to fight the Islamic] regime on the internet ”.

According to the Judiciary Branch’s news agency, on November 3, 2022, “a number of rioters, by creating unrest and placing stones, wood, and construction waste around Behesht-e Sakineh Cemetery and Karaj’s Kamal Shahr district, proceeded to close down the Karaj – Qazvin Freeway and disrupt traffic under the pretext of participating in the Chehelom (“the Fortieth Day of Passing”) of one of the participants killed in the riots, and engaged in the destruction of public and private property as well as the beating of law enforcement personnel. In the course of that day’s events, Seyed Ruhollah Ajamian, a protector of security, was killed.” (Mizan News Agency, January 7, 2023). Mr. Karami was announced as a person who had perpetrated several blows to the murdered individual with a stone; there is, however, no indication of the Bassij member’s cause of death in any report.

The validity of the criminal charges brought against this defendant cannot be ascertained in the absence of the basic guarantees of a fair trial.  International human rights organizations have drawn attention to reports indicating that the Islamic Republic authorities have brought trumped-up charges, including drug trafficking, sexual, and other criminal offences, against their opponents (including political, civil society activists, as well as unionists and ethnic and religious minorities). Each year Iranian authorities sentence to death hundreds of alleged common criminals, following judicial processes that fail to meet international standards. The exact number of people convicted and executed based on trumped-up charges is unknown.

Evidence of guilt

The evidence against Mr. Karami was stated to have been “his confessions; Defendant Number 2’s confessions [and statements] made against him; other defendants’ confessions [and statements] made against him; the complaint filed against him by the [victim’s] next of kin; the Medical Examiner’s Certificate; the recovery of tools and instruments of crime from the defendants; the contents of the defendants’ cell phones, said phones having been searched and looked into [by the authorities]; discovery of criminal [articles and writings]; disseminated photographs and videos of the day of the events.” There is no mention, however, of the criminal contents discovered in the cell phones. In cut off and out of context video segments of the trial sessions, the defendants described the manner of Ajamian’s killing and the altercations on that day, and admitted their role therein.

International human rights organizations have repeatedly condemned the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran for its systematic use of severe torture and solitary confinement to obtain confessions from detainees and have questioned the authenticity of confessions obtained under duress.


The Court had deprived Mr. Karami of being represented by the attorney of his own choosing. The attorney for Mr. Karami’s family was not allowed to represent him because the judge had not allowed Mr. Karami to sign the official retainer agreement. Mr. Aghassi, Mr. Karami’s attorney, stated in this regard: “Mohammad Mehdi Karami did not have a lawyer of his own choosing at any stage of the adjudication. The Supreme Court and the Director General of the Ministry of Justice were favorable to my representation, but the Judge emphatically violated the law and claimed that only an attorney approved by the Head of the Judiciary branch could enter the case [and represent the defendants]. That is precisely the reason why the Supreme Court was obligated to reverse the ruling.” (Mr. Mohammad Hossein Aghassi’s Twitter account, January 4, 2023). Furthermore, Mr. Karami’s court-appointed attorney did not mount an effective defense of his client and settled for just asking the court for forgiveness: “In spite of the Defendant’s confession, given that he was honest in his statements, I ask the Court for pardon and forgiveness.” (Mizan News Agency, November 30, 2022).

Furthermore, in its announcement regarding the detained individuals, the Alborz Province Revolutionary Guards Corps’ (Imam Hassan Army’s) Office of Public Relations did not report anything about any killing of its forces or of any Bassij members: “Following the unrest of Thursday, November 3, on the Karaj – Qazvin freeway, and the rioters’ beastly and brutal acts of damaging private and public property and attacking security and law enforcement forces, several of the principal actors were identified and arrested through the round the clock efforts of the unknown soldiers of Imam Zaman (Peace Be Upon Him) at the Alborz Province Revolutionary Guards, as well as reports made by the revolutionary populace. The main actor, who had engaged in attacking and damaging [property], stealing the Police Force of the Islamic Republic’s government-issued weapons, and blocking the Karaj – Qazvin Freeway, the posting of [the reports] of which on the internet caused fear and apprehension in the populace as well as instigating their feelings, was among those arrested.” (ISNA, November 6, 2022).

Mehdi Karami stated during a visitation with his family that he had been subjected to severe physical, and psychological torture. “Mehdi said that he was beaten so badly at the time of his arrest that he had passed out, and that the Islamic Republic forces thought that he had died and had thrown his “corpse” in the outskirts of Nazarabad; but they realized he was still alive as they were leaving the location.” (ABC interview).

According to Mr. Aghassi, Mr. Karami’s chosen attorney, “my client has gone on a dry hunger strike at Karaj’s Central Penitentiary, protesting the fact that he was not permitted to have an attorney of his own choosing”. (HRANA, January 5, 2023). He continued: “Pursuant to the Law on the Rules of Criminal Procedure, in cases of capital or corporal punishment, if a case is remanded for a new trial, the [previous] sentence must immediately be stayed. He [Mr. Karami] called me on Wednesday and voiced his concern, and said some things that cannot be repeated. [The stay of the sentence] was supposed to take place.” (Mr. Aghassi’s interview with the BBC).

[Mr. Karami’s father,] Mashallah Karami, alluded to the fact that the court-appointed lawyer was not even willing to meet with him to get the documents that he had gathered. In defense of his son, he stated: “I asked [my son] ‘please tell me, did you do all this?’ He said ‘Baba (father), I swear to the callouses on your hands, no, I didn’t; that’s the truth!’ And now, I don’t even know if they’re going to come after me and take me away now that I’ve spoken to you, but I only defended my son’s rights.” According to Mr. Karami’s father, the court-appointed lawyer did not defend his son: “They told us to come and lodge an objection; I’ve been after the lawyer for a week; he wouldn’t answer when I called, and he would say: ‘I’ll tell you [when to come,] I’ll tell you’. I just called and he told me to go tomorrow; he didn’t even give me his office address. God knows I begged him, please give me your office address so I can come and at least give you the things my son told me to write down on paper, and give it to you so you can put it in the case file.” Mr. Karami’s father went to the court and the prison numerous times [to follow up on his son’s case] but no one would give him any information or be accountable for anything. He stated in this regard: “I’m home all the time and I go to the court in the morning. This morning I went to the prison but the Prison Assistant Prosecutor and the Prison Supervisor weren’t there. Then I asked the person that was there [where] the Prison Assistant Prosecutor and the Prison Supervisor were. He said ‘if you want to talk about the riots (they call it riots; it’s protests [but they call it riots]), don’t bother showing up because they don’t talk to anybody, they don’t answer anybody.’ Now I’ve lost hope, I’ve been cut off from my child. Please, for God’s sake, if there is someone somewhere that would listen to our cries, please be our voice because my child is truly innocent. My child is an athlete; he’s not a killer; my child is not a murderer.” (Mashallah Karami’s interview with Etemad Online).

Mr. Karami’s father had collected an affidavit signed by the neighborhood residents: “I collected an affidavit from the neighborhood mosque. He was an honest kid, everybody signed. There is a mosque across from my house, and they signed the affidavit. These were the things I could do.” (Mashallah Karami’s interview with Etemad Online). In defense of his son, he even made a video with his wife (Mr. Karami’s mother) where they asked judicial authorities, the Head of the Judiciary Branch in particular, to pardon their child.

I asked him: “Mehdi, I’m begging you, please tell me the truth; did you do all this?” He said: “I swear to God, Baba (father), I swear to the callouses on your hands, no, I didn’t; that’s the truth!”

In his last phone conversation with Mr. Aghassi on Wednesday, January 4, 2023, Mr. Karami talked about certain things, which Mr. Aghassi recounted: “I want to tell you a very important thing: When he wanted to say good bye to me on Wednesday, he said ‘Mr. Aghassi, there was a time when I would see things in the media where they said an innocent person had been sentenced and punished, and I wouldn’t believe it. But now, that same exact thing has happened to myself. All I did was kick once and punch two times, and I’m going to be hanged for that’. Look, that’s the problem; he had sworn to his father that he had not taken any action whatsoever that would result in a murder.” Mr. Aghassi continued: “Islamic Penal Code Article 479 provides that in cases such as this one where there are a number of people present on the scene of a murder, and the actions taken by some of them result in death and it is not clear who has committed the act, Qesas punishment (“retribution, retributive killing”) will not apply. But [the judicial authorities] considered [the charge against him] as Moharebeh (“waging war against God”), provided for in the latter part of [Islamic Penal Code] Article 279, the beginning part of which provides that if an individual draws a weapon on the people and causes apprehension in them and [on society], then that individual will be considered to be Mohareb (“one who wages war against God”). The Article goes on to say that if a person draws a weapon on one or several persons in such a way that it does not create insecurity in the environment, that is not considered to be Moharebeh. First of all, in my opinion, that was not Moharebeh. Secondly, if murder was committed, given the provisions of Article 479, the punishment of Qesas should not apply in this particular case and the individuals should be sentenced to payment of Diah and the punishment provided for under the Law of Ta’zirat.” (Mr. Aghassi’s interview with the BBC).

Another attorney at law stated in connection with the death sentences for Mr. Karami and the other defendant, that they had not committed “intentional murder”, because more than 20 people had participated in the killing. “The actions of the late Messrs. Mohammad Mehdi Karami and Seyed Mohammad Hosseini did not constitute intentional murder because twenty people had exerted blows on the late Ajamian. Which blow caused his death? It is not clear. No evidence being available, we are faced with a murder where we do not know who the murderer is; therefore, Diah had to be paid. That is perhaps the reason a sentence of Qesas was not issued.” (Mohsen Borhani, attorney at law).

According to a HRANA (Human Rights Activists new Agency) report, a source with knowledge of the case had stated: “According to the charges brought by the Prosecutor’s representative in Court, the charges against the individuals who were ultimately sentenced to death by Judge Assef al-Hosseini were in some cases even lighter than those brought against the other defendants in the case. Most of the individuals sentenced to death in this case, even taking the Prosecutor’s Representative’s statement into account, had absolutely no effective participation in Ruhollah Ajamian’s death. The death sentences were issued without an in-depth examination of the case and without any legal basis, and strictly for the purpose of sacrificing certain people.” (HRANA, December 12, 2022).

A Summary of the Legal Defects in the Adjudication of Mr. Mohammad Mehdi Karami’s Case

In this case, Mr. Mohammad Mehdi Karami is accused of killing a Bassij member with at least 15 other individuals. What has been published in official media, including Mizan News Agency, indicates that the murder victim had been beaten by a large number of people, gathered in a crowd, and that he had ultimately been killed. Various news agencies have also reported that thirty or forty people were involved in the death of the Bassij member. In cases where a large number of people are involved in a murder, exacting, rigorous, and expert investigation must be carried out in order to determine the cause of death and figure out which blow(s) resulted in death, and who perpetrated the blow(s). One cannot attribute responsibility for the murder to one specific perpetrator without such precise and in-depth investigations. In this case, it is absolutely not clear which blow, from among the many, resulted in the victim’s death. In other words, the most important investigation that should have been conducted, namely, the determination of the ultimate cause of death, was not carried out with precision. This defect is so severe that it most certainly renders the court’s ruling without validity and credence.

Mr. Mohammad Mehdi Karami was tried on the charge of Moharebeh (“waging war against God”) and sentenced to death and executed on that basis. Pursuant to Islamic Penal Code Article 279, “Moharebeh consists of drawing a weapon with intent to cause apprehension in, or harm to people’s lives, property, or chastity (for female members of the family), in such a way as to create insecurity in the area. Where a person draws a weapon on one or more persons based on personal motives and his/her actions do not have a public aspect, and where a person draws a weapon on people but his action does not deprive them of their safety and security due to his/her inability or incapacity, said person is not considered to be Mohareb”. What is important here is that the act attributed to Mr. Karami was murder. Murder is a crime [the punishment for which] falls under Qesas (“retribution”), and has its own rules and regulations. As the above Article indicates, in order for [the crime of] Moharebeh to occur, a person must draw his/her weapon with the intent to harm a large number of individuals, which act causes [apprehension and] insecurity among the populace. If we believe that the Bassij member’s murder caused insecurity, then the question of Qesas in murder cases becomes moot, and every murder would be considered as Moharebeh! In other words, the act attributed to Mr. Karami, regardless of whether he committed it or not, has absolutely nothing to do with the crime of Moharebeh. Had his case been tried on the charge [of murder carrying the punishment of] Qesas, the probability of a sentence of death would have been much lower because it would have been necessary to determine precisely that it was his blow that caused the Bassij member’s death, and if it could not have been determined whose blow actually caused the victim’s death, the punishment of Qesas could not have applied, and the form of punishment would then turn to Diah (payment of compensation; “blood money”). Additionally, it was possible that the holders of the right of Qesas, that is, the next of kin, would have forgiven [the perpetrator and] forgone retribution.

Mr. Mohammad Mehdi Karami was deprived of an attorney of his choosing both at the preliminary investigations stage, and at trial. The Karaj court even prohibited his chosen attorney from submitting his retainer agreement and entering the case, whereas Principle 35 of the Constitution, as well as the Single Article of the Law on the Selection of Lawyers by Parties to a Dispute, and Articles 48 and 346 of the Law on the Rules of Procedure, all provide that an accused has the right to retain an attorney of his own choosing. In other words, the court-appointed attorney was imposed on Mr. Karami. Furthermore, the court-appointed lawyer did not mount any effective defense and solely asked the court for forgiveness. These actions deprived the defendant of the defense mechanism at his disposal to a considerable extent. Pursuant to the Single Article of the Law on the Selection of Lawyers by Parties to a Dispute, depriving a defendant of the right to have a lawyer of his/her own choosing is an instance of actions that render the ruling invalid.

According the statements made by people close to Mr. Karami, as well as persons with knowledge of the case, Mr. Karami had been severely tortured during interrogations. Principle 38 of the Constitution and the Islamic Penal Code have prohibited and criminalized the torture and persecution of defendants, and confessions obtained under duress and persecution have no legal validity. In other words, the official news agencies’ referencing Mr. Karami’s confession, as well as its probable citation in the sentence [as a basis of the court’s ruling] has no legal validity whatsoever because a confession obtained under torture cannot be used as evidence of guilt. Furthermore, an admission or confession is only valid when it’s true, that is, the judge must ensure that such confession or admission is true and correct. In this case, considering the large number of defendants and the lack of thorough investigations by the Prosecutor’s Office, it was not possible to rely solely on the defendant’s confession to find him guilty of the offense charged.

According to available information, the killing of Ruhollah Ajamian occurred on November 3, 2022, and Mr. Karami’s final trial session was held on December 3, 2022, and the sentence of execution was issued one week after said final session. In other words, the time between the defendant’s arrest and sentencing was roughly a month. That means all the investigations, including autopsy, determination of cause of death, investigating and questioning dozens of defendants and witnesses, crime scene investigations, examination of the contents of the closed circuit cameras at the location, etc., both at the Prosecutor’s Office and at trial, took only one month. It does not seem reasonable that it would be possible to examine and adjudicate in one month a case as voluminous as this one, the subject matter of which is the murder of an individual by a large crowd of people, and where there are other charges involved, such as destruction of public property, conspiracy and assembly and propaganda against the Islamic regime. There are currently murder cases that have been before judicial authorities for years, the adjudication of which has yet to result in a ruling. In other words, Mr. Karami’s hasty and precipitous trial is itself the best indication that thorough investigations were not conducted in this case, nor were the principles of fair trial observed.


Alborz Province Islamic Revolutionary Court, Branch One, sentenced Mr. Mohammad Mehdi Karami and five other individuals to death on the charge of Efsad fel-Arz (“Spreading corruption on Earth”). On Tuesday, January 3, 2023, Mr. Mohammad Mehdi Karami and Mr. Hosseini’s death sentences were upheld by Supreme Court Branch 39, citing Article 469(a) of the Law on the Rules of Criminal Procedure.

According Mr. Karami’s attorney, the Supreme Court’s upholding of the death sentence was illegal: “There is another, much more important issue I would like to bring up: The Supreme Court was aware that the defendants, my client in particular, and the late Mr. Hosseini, had been denied their right to retain an attorney of their own choosing. I personally wrote a letter, which [Mr. Karami’s] father took to the Supreme Court; I went there again myself. There is a Single Article that goes back to the time of President Rafsanjani and was ratified then. According to this Single Article, if a court deprives a defendant of his/her right to retain an attorney of his/her own choosing, the judge is considered to have committed a disciplinary violation punishable by a fourth degree punishment and higher. Knowing this, the Supreme Court had the legal obligation to overturn the court’s ruling, and remand the case for a new trial where the defendant could be tried while represented by his own attorney. My objection to the Supreme Court’s [decision] is this: Why did it not do that, and why did it uphold the ruling? That is a fundamental defect.” (Mr. Aghassi’s interview with the BBC).

Mr. Karami was hanged in Karaj on January 7, 2023. Neither his attorney, nor any member of his and the other defendant’s family were aware of the execution, and they were deprived of a final visitation.

Mr. Karami’s chosen attorney was not allowed to represent his client when the case was being considered by the Supreme Court.

Supreme Court Branch 39 overturned the sentences issued for 14 other individuals and remanded the case back to another lower court branch for a new trial.

Mr. Karami was buried in Parcel 1, Row 48, Grave Number 165, of Behesht-e Ali Cemetery, located in Eshtehard County, Alborz Province. Mr. Karami’s father told their attorney that he was not able to hold services for his son at home: “He wasn’t even allowed to hold services in his own home.” (Mr. Aghassi’s Twitter account, January 14, 2023).


* Thursday, November 3, 2022, was the Fortieth Day of Passing of Ms. Hadiss Najafi, one of the participants in the protests against the Islamic Republic. She was shot and killed by the Islamic Republic law enforcement forces in the town of Mehrshahr located in Karaj County on September 21, 2022, at approximately 8 PM, as she was partaking in protest demonstrations against the state killing of Mahsa Amini. 

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