Abdorrahman Boroumand Center

for Human Rights in Iran

Omid, a memorial in defense of human rights in Iran
One Person’s Story

Hushang Mahmudi


Age: 54
Nationality: Iran
Religion: Baha'i
Civil Status: Married


Date of Killing: August 21, 1980
Location of Killing: Naft Street, Tehran, Tehran Province, Iran
Mode of Killing: Enforced disappearance

About this Case

Because of his position as a lawyer for the National Spiritual Assembly, he was always following up on the Baha’i community’s issues. In his correspondences with his children, Mr. Mahmudi always apprised them of the situation of the Baha’is in Iran.

Information regarding the extra-judicial execution of Mr. Hushang Mahmudi, son of Mr. Abdolhossein Mahmudi and Ms. Shahjahan Monajemi, was obtained from documents published on the Archives of Baha’i Persecution in Iran website (Date of research: July 28, 2021). Additional information about this case was obtained from an interview conducted by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center with Shahin Milani, human rights activist and son of a disappeared member of the Baha’is Second Spiritual Assembly (June 12, 2017), an interview conducted by the Abdorrahman Boroumand Center with Erfan Sabeti, author, translator, and researcher of the history of the Baha’i community (June 7, 2021), the book Shohada-ye Amr-e Elahi (“Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith”) by Ariana Khadem-Mahmudi, Juxta Publications (2012); the book Dasht-e Anduh (“The Valley of Sadness”) by Mohsen Sazegara (June 16, 2021, Chapter One, Execution and Murder, pp. 20 to 33); the book One Hundred and Sixty Years of Fighting the Baha’i Faith, by Fereydun Vahman, Sweden, Baran Publications (2010-11); the book Sahifeye Nur, Ayatollah Khomeini, Volume 17 (May 28, 1982); Iran Human Rights Documentation Center research entitled “Forbidden Religion: Persecution of Baha’is in Iran (February 10, 2011); Jomhuri-e Eslami newspaper (January 27, 1982); Archives of Baha’i Persecution in Iran website (Date of research: July 28, 2021, July 28, 2018, June 17, 2019); BBC Persian website (October 11, 2015); Radio Zamaneh (December 21, 2013); Asoo website (August 9, September 6, and October 6, 2015).

Mr. Hushang Mahmudi was married and had three children. He was born in Tehran in 1926-27. (The Archives of Baha’i Persecution in Iran website, July 28, 2021). His family was an aristocratic Baha’i family from [the city of] Babol in Mazandaran Province. (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, pages 22 and 26). Mr. Mahmudi’s wife, Jinus Nemat Mahmudi was a member of the Baha’i Spiritual Assembly and was also executed on December 27, 1981. Mr. Mahmudi held a bachelor’s degree in law from Tehran University. He was the Planning and Budget Organization’s Audio-Visual Deputy and later, Head of the Baha’i Community Rights and Affairs Branch. (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, page 35). After a while, Mr. Mahmudi started working in the fields of photography and filmmaking, and was also the principal of the Maktab-e Nobakht Kindergarten and Elementary School for a while. He was among the first producers and hosts of children and adolescents programs on Iranian radio and television. Mr. Mahmudi made numerous films about the history of the Baha’i faith and Baha’i historic sites, including “Siahchal” in Tehran and “His Holiness Bab’s home” in Shiraz. (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, page 36).

Mr. Mahmudi had prepared a number of works for publication during his lifetime; however, because of the Revolution and the events thereafter, none were published with the exception of a book entitled “The Life and Times and Memoirs of His Holiness Abdolbaha”. According to his children “he had written a three volume book on Iran’s recent events and the injustices perpetrated on the Baha’i community, only the first volume of which is in existence; the second and third volumes were confiscated and taken by the Revolutionary Guards”. (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, pages 116 and 172).

Mr. Mahmudi was a member of the Baha’is First National Spiritual Assembly of Iran, took part in news conferences, and went on many trips proselytizing [the Baha’i faith] inside Iran and abroad. (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, page 37). Because of his position as a lawyer for the National Spiritual Assembly, he was always following up on the Baha’i community’s issues. In his correspondences with his children, Mr. Mahmudi always apprised them of the situation of the Baha’is in Iran. (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, page 44). He was active in writing “responses” to charges brought against the Baha’i community. Mr. Mahmudi had written letters to Ayatollah Khomeini, the then-Leader and Founder of the Islamic Republic; to the then-Prime Minister; the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; and other high-ranking officials including Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani, Head of Iran’s Islamic Revolution Committees; Ayatollah Qoddussi, Islamic Revolution Prosecutor General; Ayatollah Beheshti; Ayatollah Heshemi Rafsanjani, Head of the Ministry of the Interior; Ayatollah Taleqani; and Ayatollah Shariatmadari, in which he addressed “the injustices perpetrated [on the Baha’i community], asking them to undo these injustices and to stop the hostility and persecution”. (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, page 89).

In the book entitled Shohada-ye Amr-e Elahi (“Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith”) published by his oldest child, Ms. Ariana Khadem-Mahmudi in 2012, Mr. Mahmudi’s friends have described him as someone who had “an affable and familiar face” (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, page 188), “was a symbol of grace and dignity, and a persuasive orator”. (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, page 178). “While kind and sensitive, Mr. Mahmudi was very frank and aggressive. If someone did not know him very well, they would not dare engage in pleasantries with him or go beyond the limits of truth and honesty. In spite of that social characteristic, he loved his family.” (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, page 182). Other friends of Mr. Mahmudi’s have described him as “extremely passionate, active and good-humored, pleasant, [with a great sense of humor] who liked to joke around”. (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, page 194).

Nonahalan and Omana Companies

At the time of Mr. Qa’em Maqami’s arrest, “Nonahalan” and “Omana” companies were among the Baha’i community’s public benefit economic companies, the capital for which was secured from “Tabarro’at”, that is, the financial donations of every member of the Baha’i community. “Every Baha’i, in addition to Hoquq Allah (“God’s rights”) which constitutes 19 percent of the annual [net] profits – and not gross income – usually pays a certain sum called “Tabaro” to a person in charge of collecting it. Each country’s Spiritual Assembly uses these funds to pay its annual expenses, and publishes a balance sheet every year which allows all to see exactly how much financial assistance has been collected and what it has been spent on. The Nonahalan and Omana companies were established with a portion of these assistance funds and were engaged in business activities, and their profits were deposited into the Iranian Baha’i Community’s Fund.” (Boroumand Center interview, June 7, 2021). 

According to Ms. Giti Vahid, the only living member of the Second Spiritual Assembly, the expropriation of the Nonahalan Company was the beginning of the persecution of the Baha’is after the Islamic Revolution. The Nonahalan Company had one thousand shareholders who were its only financial resource, and the company was run under the supervision of the Baha’i Spiritual Assembly: “But the Assembly never interfered in their work whatsoever; only the directors were elected under the supervision of the Assembly, because the members of the Baha’i community were the company’s shareholders. It operated like a bank and the various Assemblies conducted their financial and banking activities through the company instead of going through other banks. The members of the Board of Directors of Nonahalan were among the first 14 people who were banned from leaving Iran, banned from engaging in any kind of contracts and transactions, and whose property was expropriated. Then they gradually attacked the National Spiritual Assembly, then the Tehran Assembly, and little by little the Haziratol Qodses (holy places) we had in Tehran’s various districts and in towns across the country.” Once expropriated, Nonahalan Company was entrusted to Gholamhosssein Mohseni Eje’ee [1] as “the liaison between the Iran Spiritual Assembly and the Government”. (The book Dasht-e Anduh (“The Valley of Sadness”), 2018, pp. 20 to 33). 

In a letter dated June 6, 1979, the Mostaz’afan Foundation confirmed the expropriation of “Omana and Nonahalan companies and Misaghieh Hospital” by the Islamic Revolutionary Court, and asked one of its agents to turn these places over to the Mostaz’afan Foundation upon “conducting a thorough investigation and identification”. (Archives of Baha’i Persecution in Iran website).

In his notes dated July 15, 1980, Mr. Hushang Mahmudi wrote that attacks on Baha’i institutions and expropriation of Nonahalan Company “a majority of whose 15 thousand shareholders were Baha’i, had crippled the activities of [Iran’s Baha’i] Community”. According to Mr. Mahmudi, “the excuse given for the expropriation of that company is that its function and objective was to advance Zionism in Iran and abroad”. (The book Shohada-ye Amr-e Elahi “Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith”, p. 71). 

The Baha’is in the Islamic Republic of Iran: Background

Authorities of the Islamic Republic have subjected the members of the Baha'i religious community of Iran (the largest minority, with approximately three hundred thousand members) to systematic harassment and persecution, depriving them of their most fundamental human rights. The Baha'i religion is not recognized under the Constitution of the Islamic Republic, and Iranian authorities refer to it as a heresy. As a result, the Baha'is have been denied the rights associated with the status of a religious minority; they cannot profess and practice their faith and are banned from public functions. Discrimination under the law and in practice has subjected them to abuse and violence. *

They have been banned from any activities in the public realm, and their political, social, and economic rights are constantly violated. Baha’is are deprived of the right to education, particularly higher education, and are banned from holding jobs in the government or in government-affiliated entities. They are not even safe and secure in owning private businesses, and in many cases, their places of business have either been attacked by individuals and groups affiliated with the government or are shut down for refusing to work on religious holy days. The Iranian regime arrests Baha’is on trumped up charges on a regular basis. [3] 

Persecution of Baha’is in Iran is not specific to the time of the Islamic Republic but it was in this era that it was amplified and institutionalized. During the Revolution itself, supporters of Ayatollah Khomeini attacked Baha’i homes and businesses and in certain instances, even committed murder. On the eve of his return from France to Iran, in response to a question regarding political and religious freedom of Baha’is under the rule of an Islamic government, Ayatollah Khomeini stated: “They are a political party; they are harmful and detrimental. They will not be acceptable.” The interviewer asked another question: “Will they be free to perform their religious rites?” The Ayatollah responded: “No.” Khomeini had previously “spoken of the Baha’i threat to the Shah’s regime, Islam, national unity, and national security” in various speeches. (Asoo website, October 6, 2015). 

Baha’i National Spiritual Assembly After the Islamic Revolution 

In the organizational structure of the Baha’i community, the institution of the National Spiritual Assembly is a body composed of nine individuals that are elected annually with the votes of adult Baha’is in each country. This institution tends to the affairs and issues of the Baha’i community on the national level. The National Spiritual Assembly has the responsibility of guiding, coordinating, and moving forward the activities of each country’s local spiritual assemblies, and establishing contact with Beit-al-Adl (“House of Justice”), the international council of the Baha’i faith, the highest decision-making authority in the world Baha’i community. 

In 1980 and 1981, the First, Second, and Third National Spiritual Assemblies, as well as local Baha’i spiritual assemblies in various cities, including Tehran, Yazd, Hamedan, and Tabriz, were severely persecuted and the majority of their members were executed. In “The Final Message of the Iran National Spiritual Assembly to the Friends of the Country”, the Third Baha’i National Spiritual Assembly, abiding by the principle of obeying the government, announced the closure of the Baha’i organizations, and at the same time, sent an open letter to two thousand well-known and high-ranking government figures asking an end to the arrest, detention, torture, execution, and injustice against Baha’is. (BBC Persian website, October 11, 2015). 

Judicial officials of the Islamic Republic have come up with [unreasonable and unacceptable] justifications for the persecution and the execution of the members of the National Spiritual Assemblies. In a speech on May 28, 1982, Ayatollah Khomeini said: “The Baha’is are not a religion, they’re a [political] party; it’s a party that was supported by Britain in the past, and now it’s being supported by America. They are spies.” (Sahifeye Noor, Volume 17, May 28, 1982).

The Baha’is deny the charge of relations with countries such as Israel, citing “the religious principle of ‘the requirement of staying out of politics’. They say that religious relations know no bounds, and that the Iranian Baha’i Spiritual Assembly has done nothing, and taken no action, against the Islamic Republic”. (Asoo website, August 9, 2015). 

It must be noted that the Beit-al-Adl was established in Haifa at a time where there was no such country as the state of Israel. The founders of the Baha’i faith, Baha’ollah in particular, had no choice but to leave Iran in the latter part of the 19thCentury under pressure and persecution, and to turn to Turkey and Iraq. 

Baha’ollah did not escape persecution under the Ottoman Empire either. He was imprisoned for a time in present day Turkey and was released in 1908. In 1909, Baha’ollah transferred the body of Ali Mohammad Baab – who had been executed in Iran in 1850 – to Beit-al-Adl. A short time before the start of the First World War, Baha’ollah settled as the leader of the Baha’is in Haifa, a city where Beit-al-Adl is located, and began to tend to the affairs and the issues of the Baha’i community. After World War I, when Palestine was under the British Mandate, the Baha’i community remained safe from persecution. (Boroumand Center research).  

Mr. Mahmudi’s Arrest and Death

On August 21, 1980, the First National Spiritual Assembly held a joint meeting with members of the Deputy Council, Yussef abbasian Milani and Heshmatollah Rohani, in order to discuss the situation of imprisoned Baha’is in the cities of Yazd and Hamedan. The Assembly members’ concerns were justified because the members of these two cities’ Spiritual Assemblies [4], all of whom had been arrested in the previous weeks, were executed in 1980 and 1981. Around 4 o’clock in the afternoon of August 21, “armed Revolutionary Guards” attacked the Assembly. They took away Hushang Mahmudi and the other members of the National Spiritual Assembly, Manuher Qa’em Maqami, Ebrahim Rahmani, Hossein Naji, Abdolhossein Taslimi, Ataollah Mogharrebu, Yussef Khorassani Qadimi, Kambiz Sadeqzadeh Milani, Bahieh Naderi, and the two members of the Deputy Council. (Archives of Baha’i Persecution in Iran website, July 28, 2018).

The notes in his calendar for July 19, 1980, indicate that Mr. Mahmudi had been threatened: “They called on the phone and said they were after me.”

The fate of the nine members of the National Spiritual Assembly and two of the deputies of continental advising remains unknown. Although there are reports to the effect that these individuals spent a short time in detention at Evin Prison, there has been no news of them since August 29, 1980, and they are all considered dead. (Iran Human Rights Documentation Center, p. 29). Given the execution of the members of the Second Assembly and most of the members of the Third Assembly, which convened after the First, the Baha’i community has no doubt that they were all murdered. (Shohada-ye Amr-e Elahi  (“Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith”), p. 156; BBC Persian website, October 11, 2015).

The notes in his calendar for July 19, 1980, indicate that Mr. Mahmudi had been threatened: “They called on the phone and said they were after me.” His wife, Ms. Mahmudi, also recorded this threat in her own calendar: “Today, they called my husband Hushi (short for Hushang) and told him to keep a low profile because they’re looking to arrest him. His mental state is not good at all, and the recent injustices and persecutions have severely affected him.” In an undated letter to one of his children, he informed him (or her) of “the stoning of Hajir’s (a wealthy Baha’i businessman) brother and two of their co-workers, one of whom was an employee of his and the other was the Hazirat-ol-Qods (Baha’i center; one of the national, regional or local Baha’i administrative centers) caretaker”, and stated that he himself was still in an “unsafe” place and that “for the umpteenth time, he had felt death, which is an inevitable truth”. In that same letter, he alluded to the continued “captivity and lack of information about three wronged and oppressed captive [brethren], Movahed, Davudi, and Roshani”, and emphasized that “the rest of us are in an uncertain situation; we are [constantly] threatened but everyone is solid as a rock”. (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, pages 39, 40, and 313).

There is no information regarding Mr. Mahmudi’s burial site.

Officials’ Reaction 

The Islamic Republic authorities (official or not) never officially accepted responsibility for the arrest and execution of the members of the Baha’is First National Spiritual Assembly. Nevertheless, in a meeting the spouses of the disappeared had with Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani on September 2, 1980, the then-Head of the Parliament claimed that “these Baha’is are in detention for their participation in the Nojeh coup d’état”. These charges were vehemently denied by the Baha’is. One week later, on September 10, 1980, Rafsanjani stated that the order to arrest the 11 Baha’is had been issued, but that their families were not allowed to visit with them until the conclusion of preliminary investigations. He gave assurances that they would be freed if they were found to be innocent. On September 18, 1980, the country’s Prosecutor General announced that 9 Baha’i individuals had been arrested on charges of participating in the recent failed coup attempt. (The book One Hundred and Sixty Years of Fighting the Baha’i Faith, p. 426). 

Addressing the execution of the members of the Baha’is Second National Spiritual Assembly, Ahmad Tavakkoli, Minister of Labor and government Spokesman, stated: “Not only do we not execute Baha’is simply because they’re Baha’i, we also do not kill communists just because they’re communists. We do not consider holding a belief to be a crime. But if an individual, with any type of belief, wants to take action against the interests of the people, that individual will be tried and punished in accordance with the law. We will not allow people who take money from Israel and engage in espionage in Iran to remain in this country; we will deal with them in the harshest possible manner and it makes no difference if they are called Moslem or non-Moslem.” (Jomhuri Eslami newspaper, January 27, 1982). 

Additionally, Ayatollah Mohammadi Gilani, the Chief Shari’a Judge of the Central (Tehran) Islamic Revolutionary Courts stated this about Baha’is: “There are two kinds of Mortad (“apostates”), Fetri apostate and Melli apostate. Fetri apostate is one who was born into Islam, that is, one or both of his/her parents were Moslem at the time of birth, and Melli apostate is one whose birth was not in that fashion. The punishment for a Fetri apostate is death and his/her repentance will not be accepted.” (Kayhan newspaper, October 19, 1981). 

The anti-Baha’i statements of Ayatollah Khomeini, the Guardian High Scholar and founder of the Islamic Republic, such as “they are apostates … they must be eliminated” (Archives of Baha’i Persecution in Iran website, June 17, 2019), as well as general policies where anti-Baha’ism has been institutionalized, alongside charges that were brought in the Baha’is Second National Spiritual Assembly trial, clarify to a great extent the motive for the killing of the members of the Baha’is First National Spiritual Assembly. 

A video of the trial session of 7 male members of the Baha’is Second National Spiritual Assembly has been published in recent years [5]. The defendants at this trial were faced with a wide spectrum of charges such as “waging psychological war and propaganda against the [Islamic Republic] Regime” which included collecting documentation and correspondence with international institutions for the purpose of seeking justice, as well as the content of the Baha’is National Spiritual Assembly’s correspondence in the 1960’s and not condemning Israel’s policies toward the Palestinians. (Asoo website, August 9, 2015). 

Follow ups on the attacks against the life and property of Baha’is, before and after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, was done by members of local and national spiritual assemblies. Documenting the evidence of violations of Baha’is’ rights in various eras, members of these assemblies first corresponded with governmental authorities, and if their actions in seeking justice did not bear fruit, they would correspond with international institutions to seek remedies. The Islamic Republic authorities considered the Baha’is’ corresponding and working with officials of the previous regime, as well as their correspondence with international institutions, as propaganda against the Islamic Regime.

Family’s Reaction

After four decades, family members of the Baha’is First National Spiritual Assembly still do not have any definitive information about the fate of their loved ones. Following up on their cases, they met with various officials of the Judiciary and Legislative Branches: While expressing a lack of knowledge as to what had happened, the latter stated that the government was not at fault in the kidnapping of these individuals, and attributed the actions to obstinate groups that did not answer to anyone. (Radio Zamaneh, December 21, 2013). The family members have stated that they had made great efforts in the first months after “the disappearance” of their loved ones to obtain information. Vajdieh Rezvani said: “ … We went everywhere you could possibly imagine: This prison, that prison, to Ayatollah Beheshti, Ayatollah Montazeri’s son, Ayatollah Behjat, Ayatollah Gilani, and they all said they did not know anything and had no information … ” (BBC Persian website, October 11, 2015). 

In response to Ms. Jinus Mahmudi’s phone call of October 21, 1980, regarding the conditions of her husband and other detained members of the Assembly, the Islamic Republic Revolutionary Prosecutor General’s office stated that they had no knowledge of their situation and added: “The Revolutionary Guards involved in this attack are at the war front for now.” (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, page 323). The next time they were contacted, the person in charge of the Prosecutor’s Office told his family “there was nothing he could do; he did not know where they were”. The Revolutionary Guards Corps also expressed a lack of information about the existence of prisoners with the description of the members of National Spiritual Assembly. (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, page 323). In her notes dated October 23, 1980, Ms. Mahmudi writes about a phone conversation with “Mr. Ma’adikhah”, Member of Parliament, [where she had tried] to make an appointment to see him, and states that he had said that he had no knowledge of whether Mr. Mahmudi was in Evin Prison or not. (Martyrs of the Baha’i Faith, pages 323 and 334).

In a letter to Ayatollah Khomeini, the then-leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, dated November 1, 1980, the families of the 11 detained Baha’is, including Ms. Heshmat Qa’em Maqami (Mr. Qa’em Maqami’s spouse), alluded to the lack of news about their loved ones and emphasized that “the only reason they were arrested was because they were Baha’i”. They asked him to issue a decree to the effect that “the necessary investigations about these 11 individuals be conducted and that the means of their release” be secured. They further asked that “arrangements be made that these individuals’ family members be apprised of their place of detention so that they can visit them prior to their release, and stop worrying." (Archives of Baha’i Persecution in Iran website). In a letter dated October 23, 1980, to Abolhassan Bani Sadr, President; Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani, Minister of the Interior; Ayatollah Qoddussi, Revolutionary Prosecutor General; Ayatollah Mussavi Ardebili, Islamic Republic Prosecutor General; and Ayatollah Heshemi Rafsanjani, Head of the Islamic Consultative Assembly (“Majless” or Parliament), the families emphasized once again that the only reason for the arrest of the 11 individuals was that they were Baha’i, and asked that these officials order that “investigations be conducted into the manner and place of the aforementioned individuals’ arrest, and arrangements be made for their release.” (Archives of Baha’i Persecution in Iran website). 

In a letter to Ayatollah Qoddussi, Islamic Republic Revolutionary Prosecutor General, dated August 23, 1980, the detainees’ families stated the names of the 9 detained members of the Baha’is First National Spiritual Assembly, and further stated that they had no news of where their loved ones were being detained, and added: “What we know for certain is that they were arrested for being followers of the Baha’i faith. Pursuant to [their] religious tenets, Baha’is are prohibited from interfering in political affairs, and consider obedience to the government a definitive obligation. It is self-evident and certain that any aspersion or slander, and any injustice, will not be to the Almighty’s liking.” (Archives of Baha’i Persecution in Iran website). 

After four decades, family members still do not have any information about the details of the events. According to the son of an Assembly member, however, ever since 1981, the time of the execution of the members of the Baha’is Second National Spiritual Assembly by firing squad, it was clear to the families that the members of the First Assembly had met with the same faith and “had been killed”. (Boroumand Center interview with Shahin Milani, June 12, 2017).


[1] Gholamhossein Mohseni Eje’ee has been the Head of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Judiciary Branch since June 2021, directly appointed by Ayatollah Khamanei. Previously, he had been the Special Tribunal for the Clergy’s Prosecutor, Minister of Information in the 9thGovernment [under then-President Ahmadinejad], State Prosecutor General, and First Deputy of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Judiciary Branch [among others]. Concurrent with his position as Head of the Judiciary Branch, Mr. Eje’ee is also presently a member of the Expediency Council. 
[2] ‘Slow Death for Iran’s Baha’is’ by Richard N. Ostling, Time Magazine,20 February 1984. Also see ‘The Persecution of the Baha’is of Iran, 1844-1984, by Douglas Martin, Baha’i Studies,volume 12/13, 1984, p. 3. There is no information about the current number of Baha’is in Iran.
[3] The Islamic Republic Penal Code grants no rights to Baha'is, and the courts have denied them the right to redress or to protection against assault, murder, and other forms of persecution and abuse. In so doing, the courts have treated Baha'is as unprotected citizens or "apostates," citing eminent religious authorities whose edicts are considered to be a source of law equal to acts of Parliament. The Founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Khomeini, made execution a punishment for the crime of apostasy and decreed that a Muslim would not be punished for killing an apostate. 
[4] Members of the Yazd local spiritual assembly, Nurollah Akhtar Khavari, Mahmud Hassanzadeh, Azizollah Zabihian, Fereydun Fereyduni, Abdolvahab Kazemi Monshadi, Jalal Mostaghim, and Ali Motahari, were executed on September 8, 1980. Members of the Hamedan local spiritual assembly, Mohammad (Sohrab) Habibi, Mohammad Baqer (Soheil) Habibi, Hossein Khandel, Tarazollah Khazin, Hossein Motlaq, Firuz Na’imi, and Nasser Vafai, were executed on June 14, 1981. 
[5] The time between the members of the Baha’is Second National Spiritual Assembly’s arrest (December 13, 1981) and their trial (December 27, 1981) is about two weeks. The possibility has been advanced that the defendants spent these two weeks in solitary confinement. Furthermore, many legal defects have been attributed to said trial, including the fact that the judge began the session by introducing the defendants, and not himself. “We see in the video that the judge calls the National Spiritual Assembly’s report to the World Baha’i Headquarters fabricated and political. Therefore, issuance of a decision and sentence based on falsehoods and unlawful [conjecture] is clear evidence of the illegality and illegitimacy of the trial.” (Asoo website, September 6, 2015). 

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